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  • Who Gets To Speak On Cooling-Off Day?

    Who Gets To Speak On Cooling-Off Day?

    Someone has gone running to the police (again) in Singapore, and this time it’s the Elections Department.

    On Friday (27 May), it announced that the Assistant Returning Officer had filed police reports against The Independent Singapore, activist and former lawyer Teo Soh Lung and blogger Roy Ngerng for allegedly breaching Cooling-Off Day rules.

    Cooling-Off Day first came into force during the 2011 General Election. We were told that voters need a day of quiet introspection, away from the noise of election campaigning. Hence, all political parties and candidates would be disallowed from posting any election advertising or campaign material on that day. The only exceptions would be the following:

    1. Party political broadcasts on television;
    2. Reports in the newspapers, on radio and television relating to election matters;
    3. Approved posters and banners that were already up, and lawful Internet advertising that was already published before the eve of Polling Day;
    4. Books previously scheduled for publication;
    5. The transmission of personal political views by individuals to other individuals, on a non-commercial basis, using the Internet, telephone or electronic means; and
    6. Such activities or circumstances as may be prescribed by the Minister.

    I was then a volunteer contributor to The Online Citizen, gearing up to cover my first election. I remember the rules causing confusion: Did this mean that we wouldn’t be allowed to publish articles on our website the day before the election? Why would we be banned from doing so, if the newspapers, radio and television news could continue as usual? In the end, we rushed to complete and publish write-ups of election rallies on 5 May by 11:59pm.

    Confusion remains

    Five years later, the confusion appears to still be present. Despite the Elections Department’s own website saying that “the transmission of personal political views by individuals to other individuals, on a non-commercial basis, using the Internet, telephone or electronic means” is exempt from the Cooling-Off Day rules, the department under the Prime Minister’s Office has seen fit to file police reports against both Teo and Ngerng.

    Its reasoning can be found in its press release: “In filing the police reports, the Assistant Returning Officer has taken into consideration the nature of the postings and the potential impact that they might have had. … The two individuals – Teo Soh Lung and Roy Ngerng – also regularly engage in the propagation, promotion and discussion of political issues.”

    Yet, this explanation is hardly tenable. The exemption, as mentioned above, only refers to individuals transmitting personal political views to other individuals – which is what both Teo and Ngerng did. Saying that they “regularly engage in the propagation, promotion and discussion of political issues” is hardly incriminating; it is the right of every citizen to be able to discuss political issues, and make their views heard.

    Interestingly, the wording of the exemption relating to individuals is different in the Elections Department’s press release, which entails “the telephonic or electronic transmission by an individual to another individual of the first-mentioned individual’s own political views, on a noncommercial basis”.

    A close reading of both versions can yield different interpretations. While the version on the Elections Department’s website appears to indicate that a public Facebook post on one’s personal page could fall under the exemption – since it is the transmission of one’s views to other individuals using the Internet – the wording in the press release (which is also the wording in the actual statute) could potentially suggest that the exemption only applies to one-on-one transmission through telephonic or electronic means, in which case Teo and Ngerng’s posts would not fall under the exemptions.

    Why are there two different versions? If the Elections Department has taken it upon itself to re-word the law on its website, it can hardly blame citizens for being confused or misinformed, and breaching the rules in consequence.

    The report lodged against The Independent Singapore is similarly unfair. There should not be a line drawn between the traditional and online media, particularly when the government had previously justified policies regulating online news websites as simply bringing things in line with the regulations placed upon the mainstream media. The government cannot have its cake and eat it too, deciding, as if arbitrarily, when the online and mainstream media are “in line” and when they are not.

    The offending articles on The Independent Singapore as identified by the Elections Department were listicles and articles reporting on election-related material, aggregating responses from social media as many media outlets now do. One might argue over the quality or editorial slant of the articles, but to do so without acknowledging that the mainstream media, too, has its own editorial slant is disingenuous and unfair. To disallow websites like The Independent Singapore from publishing on Cooling-Off Day while the mainstream media is free to continue as usual simply invites suspicion and allegations of political bias within the law itself.

    Poor grasp of social media

    This sorry episode of lodged police reports simply demonstrates how poorly thought-out and unevenly enforced the Cooling-Off Day rules are.

    The law fails to factor in the complexity of social media, where an individual’s post can easily reach hundreds, if not thousands, while still remaining his or her personal opinion. It fails to acknowledge the growth of independent news websites as part of Singapore’s media landscape.

    And most importantly, in a climate where the mainstream media is widely seen as under the influence – if not control – of the incumbent, it fails to acknowledge the massive asymmetry in power and reach of one party over others.

    Source: Yahoo News

  • Pritam Singh  – A Response To Bilahari Kausikan On The Issue Of Opposition Parties And Foreign Policy

    Pritam Singh – A Response To Bilahari Kausikan On The Issue Of Opposition Parties And Foreign Policy

    Former Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs Mr Bilahari Kausikan’s remarks at the fifth and final lecture of his IPS-Nathan Lecture Series titled Dealing with an Ambiguous World: Can Singapore Cope? revisited an intractable pessimism and lack of confidence about the approach of the opposition in Singapore – specifically the Workers’ Party – towards foreign policy in Singapore.

    This opinion was apparently formed on the basis of a parliamentary question I asked the then Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2013, on Singapore’s decision to abstain on the successfully passed United Nations (UN) General Assembly resolution to elevate Palestine’s status at the UN to that of a non-member observer.

    I say Mr Kausikan’s views on the matter are intractable because this is the second time the very same point he makes has been carried by the Straits Times, although it is the first time he refers to me by name.[1] In fact, Mr Kausikan, has consistently made the identical point, originally found in an endnote of his contribution to a book published by Straits Times Press in 2015 titled The Big Ideas of Lee Kuan Yew.[2]

    I will use the rest of this article to address Mr Kausikan’s misgivings, by putting my views on the drivers of my parliamentary question on Palestine in perspective. In doing so, I will identify the shortcomings and partisan nature of Mr Kausikan’s point about the Workers’ Party approach towards foreign policy, which he anchors on the basis of one parliamentary question, albeit recycled three times across three different contributions authored by him.

    Before doing so, it would only be appropriate for me to acknowledge Mr Kausikan for his reflections on a broad canvas of topical issues on global affairs as the second speaker of the IPS-Nathan lecture series. They reveal a personality with an acute sense of Singapore’s interests and the trade-offs that determined Singapore’s foreign policies priorities in years past and present. I personally found his reflections on the management of a rising China in the years to come and importance of avoiding invidious choices, insightful.

    In making his point that the Workers’ Party plays “fast and loose with foreign policy for partisan purposes”, Mr Kausikan posed three rhetorical questions. Firstly, if the Arab countries did not think Singapore’s relations with Israel and our position on Palestine were problems, why was the Workers’ Party asking questions on Middle East policy? Secondly, and rather sinisterly, was the Workers’ Party trying to stir our Malay-Muslim ground against the government? And finally, would Singapore benefit if Singaporean Muslims become alienated from the government or non-Muslim Singaporeans?

    During the question and answer session at the lecture, in a moment of complete serendipity, a member of the audience asked Mr Kausikan, “What was the political reality of being a Malay-Muslim minority in Singapore?”

    Mr Kausikan replied, “I have not the slightest idea what they experience and what they feel [as I am] not a Malay-Muslim.”[3]

    Politicians in a multiracial and multi-religious country do not have the diplomatic immunity to deflect such questions.

    It is apposite to note that nowhere in my parliamentary question did the Arab countries feature. The reason Mr Kausikan saw fit to introduce a red herring, which is not found on the parliamentary record, is best known to him. On the contrary, my parliamentary question sought to query whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would consider voting along with the majority of ASEAN members on Palestine-specific issues at the UN in future, particularly since all the ASEAN countries voted in favour of the resolution, barring Singapore.

    The Straits Times published the Ministry’s position on the aforesaid resolution on 1 Dec 2012, in a short 125-word piece, citing the upgrade in Palestine’s status at the UN as a “unilateral move” that should be seen “in the context of its efforts for full UN membership.” This position, which largely mirrored that of the US – which voted against the resolution – was a wholly incongruous one for some of my Malay-Muslim constituents, some of whom follow the Israel-Palestine issue closely. Much more closely than I had cared to assume.

    As Singapore supported a two-state solution, why was it abstaining from a vote that brought Palestine closer to that reality, they asked? A handful requested me to raise the issue in Parliament, and I duly did as it was a legitimate query in my view. It did cross my mind why Singapore would take such a position, which made it stick out like a sore thumb among its closest neighbours in a largely Malay-Muslim neighbourhood. Could such a position unnecessarily unsettle the Malay-Muslim mainstream in Southeast Asia? Was it a wise position to take? And how was it in Singapore’s interests? In fact, there was no readily apparent reason why the Singapore government chose to abstain, since it consistently supported a two-state solution with regard to the Israel-Palestine conflict, a position the government takes even today.

    The Minister of Foreign Affairs provided a lengthy, largely helpful and more detailed reply – in step with the political process in a parliamentary democracy – to say that Singapore had consistently voted in favour of Palestinian resolutions at the UN General Assembly. My point was that this consistent course of action had been lost on many Malay-Muslim Singaporeans as the diplomatic and political signature of Singapore’s decision to abstain from voting in favour of Palestine’s ascension to the UN as a non-member observer, overshadowed our earlier voting patterns on Palestinian issues at the UN.

    Even so, the ground sentiments of the Malay community on Palestine did not start to manifest themself as a result of my parliamentary question. To this end, it is helpful to consider some of the public sentiments on the Israel-Palestine issue that have been published in the Straits Times from Singaporeans of all racial and religious stripes, particularly Malay-Muslims. These go some way to answer the loaded question posed by Mr Kausikan – would Singapore benefit if Singaporean Muslims become alienated from the government or non-Muslim Singaporeans? The answer is an obvious one, but wholly irrelevant and unconnected to the point Mr Kausikan seeks to make.

    In 2005, the Ministry of Information, Communication and the Arts and MINDEF organised an exhibition titledThe Changing Face of Terrorism, which featured the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in a photo montage as a terrorist. More than one reader questioned this characterisation and whether it was fair or accurate. In 2006, in response to a piece by the deputy chief of the Israeli embassy in Singapore, a Sikh Singaporean and Young PAP member questioned why the Straits Times published an Israeli perspective on Israel’s actions in the region without offering a Palestinian position on the same matter. In 2007, the President of PERGAS (Singapore Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association), in response to the Israeli ambassador’s call for a dialogue with PERGAS, politely replied that any meaningful dialogue could only take place when Israel ceases its aggression and use of force in the Gaza strip and Southern Lebanon, urging Israel to take a more reflective stance on its past actions. In 2009, a Malay Muslim wrote in to state that the bombing of civilians in Gaza was unconscionable, with another eloquently arguing why Muslim communities around the world were outraged over the death of innocent Palestinians.  In 2014, in an event organised by From Singapore to Palestine (FS2P), a group set up in 2012 to create awareness about the Palestinian situation gathered at Speakers’ Corner to show solidarity with the people of Gaza.

    Whether Mr Kausikan cares to admit, the Palestine issue is on the minds of a not insignificant number of Singaporeans. He would have to offer a compelling reason why he considers such foreign policy questions off-limits, even more so in the context of our democratic system of government – and especially since Singapore’s position as an outlier in abstaining on Palestine’s elevation was out of the ordinary from its usual approach. That the Malay-Muslim ground did not “turn against the government” or see “the alienation of the community” by non-Muslim Singaporeans as a result of my question, suggests a flaw in Mr Kausikan’s understanding of the Malay-Muslim ground in Singapore on the Palestine issue.

    In the same speech, Mr Kausikan, rather oddly, took issue with another question I asked in parliament on Palestine in 2014, which again, in his view, “could” have inflamed our Malay-Muslim ground. In arguing that the Workers’ Party’s views on foreign policy do not inspire confidence in him, a cursory check of the parliamentary record would show that the 2014 question he refers to, was actually filed by a PAP politician, who was later joined by his PAP colleague enquiring if Singapore could take a stronger stance against Israel!

    I had asked a supplementary question on the back of the question filed by the PAP MP on the dangers of self-radicalisation amongst Singaporeans as a result of the shocking images coming out of Gaza, and raising the prospect of this possibility to Israel through the Ministry’s public and private channels. In the name of consistency – which Mr Kausikan argued, in reply to separate question after his lecture, was “overrated” – the ambassador would have to concede that the filing of the question on Palestine and subsequent supplementary questions by the PAP MPs could have inflamed the Malay-Muslim ground as well. Why he chose not to make this point is best known to him.

    Mr Kausikan concluded his lecture by stating that he was not pessimistic about Singapore’s ability to cope with the complexities ahead. In so far as the Workers’ Party’s approach on foreign policy is concerned, he ought to have no difficulty in opining similarly.

    A check of the parliamentary record would show that on defence and foreign policy issues, the Workers’ Party adopts a measured approach, best appreciated by the tone of the Committee of Supply debates between members of the WP MPs and PAP Ministers. We do not hold back from asking questions on defence expenditure and other difficult issues, as seen most recently by the back and forth between the Defence Minister and Workers’ Party MP Faisal Manap on the challenging issue of halal kitchens on our warships. But we do so with the interests of Singapore and Singaporeans at the centre of our objectives, and in the context of a multi-racial society where every community has a right to have its reasoned voice heard in parliament. That has been the guiding principle of the Workers’ Party and must be so of all Singaporeans, regardless of our political affiliations.

    In the final analysis however, it takes two hands to clap on an existential issue for Singapore such as foreign policy or for it “to stop at the water’s edge” as Mr Kausikan puts it. At this year’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs Committee of Supply Debates, which included contributions made by PAP and Workers’ Party MPs, Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan remarked, “Mdm Chairman, I thank the Members of the House for sharing their perceptive insights yesterday. I am gratified by our unity of purpose. The friends and protagonists that we have on the international stage will not be so much listening to what I have to say, but rather to the congruence of the discussions and the debates in this House. It is important that we demonstrate unity of purpose.”

    Achieving such a unity of purpose on foreign policy in parliament is not an alien concept to the Workers’ Party. Nothing is stopping the government and ambassadors like Mr Kausikan from engaging opposition politicians with a view to achieve this unity outside parliament too.

    _____________

    [1] “Foreign Policy is no laughing matter”, The Straits Times, 8 June 2015.

    [2]  In the book, Mr Kausikan also took issue with the Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party, Mr Low Thia Khiang for asking the Minister of Foreign Affairs why Singapore had brought the Indonesian transboundary haze issue to the UN in the past, but not in 2013, on the back of the worse episode of haze to affect Singapore. To Mr Kausikan, this was “politicking”.

    [3] See video from 1.31.30 onwards: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gViA1O9L934

     

     

    Source: https://singapore2025.wordpress.com

  • A Confused Muslim, Once Again

    A Confused Muslim, Once Again

    I found myself sucked into a debate while having breakfast at a mamak restaurant recently. It all started with a friendly chat about the call by Penang Opposition Leader, Jahara Hamid to remove a Taoist shrine from Armenian Park in Georgetown.

    “You are a Muslim. Tell me why Muslims do this?” asked an uncle who joined me for my morning nasi lemak.

    “Apparently they are confused,” I replied with a chuckle.

    “I don’t think so. This is something they are doing on purpose. You should know – you are a Muslim.”

    Getting somewhat defensive, I blurted, “Not all Muslims are the same.”

    “So you don’t practice your religion?” the uncle shot back.

    Realising the conversation had taken a serious turn, I tried explaining: “I do practice my religion to the best of my ability. But that is not what we are talking about here.”

    “It is precisely what we are talking about. The lady who wanted the shrine to be removed; the man who wanted ‘No Pork’ signs to be banned, the group who wanted the cross taken down – you all have the same faith. You all read the same Holy Book…”

    “I disagree. You can’t judge everyone based on the conduct of a small group of Muslims. I do not go around persecuting people. I do not go around telling people how to live their lives. I support freedom and human rights. I am no extremist. Most Muslims are not extremists.” I was clearly upset by now.

    “Girl, you follow your Holy Book and so does the confused Muslims and the extreme Muslims. If all Muslims accept the one and only Holy Book and live by it, they are no different from one another. They are all extremists – including you.”

    “I disagree. I do not condone discrimination, violence and terrorism. Islam is not a religion of violence. Islam is a religion of peace,” I argued, as the uncle had gotten on my nerves with his blanket judgements.

    “Your Holy Book promotes violence. There is even a verse saying: ‘Go and kill.’ Now how can a religion which promotes killings be a peaceful religion?”

    “There are more than six thousand verses in our Holy Book – why emphasise on the negatives? Why aren’t you talking about the messages of kindness, love and compassion in most of the verses?” I countered, not realising that I had raised my voice in the process.

    The uncle laughed, “Girl, religion is not like a plate of mee goreng you order at a mamak shop. You don’t get to tambah pedas or kurang pedas; tambah taugeh or takdak taugeh; tambah telur or tambah ayam. You can’t be selective of which content suits you and drop those you disagree with.”

    The uncle got me thinking. If a good Muslim accepts every single verse in the Holy Book without any argument, does that make me, a cherry-picking liberal Muslim and a moderate, a bad Muslim?

    I went home that day, quite confused.

    There are approximately 30 million people in Malaysia, 60% of whom are Muslims. If a mere 1% of Malaysia’s 18 million Muslims are extremists, why is it that we haven’t witnessed violence or crime perpetrated by some 180,000 extremists?

    Clearly, that could mean only one thing – extreme Malaysian Muslims don’t even make up 1% of our Muslim population. That makes me wonder – why then did the uncle get so worked up over a tiny number of people?

    More importantly, if 99% of Malaysian Muslims are non-extremists, why haven’t we seen even 1% of the 17,820,000 non-extremists fighting against extremism in our country?

    Maybe that’s what makes us – the non-extreme, moderate ones – bad Muslims. We do not fight injustice and cruelty. We are after all, moderates – in thinking and behaviour. We can talk for hours about Arabisation, Islamaphobia, Zakir Naik, Zionist and Shariah law. But when it comes to fighting extremism and terrorism, we hide behind our moderate robe. That’s the problem with being a moderate Muslim. We tolerate nonsense.

    Perhaps that is also why we moderates like to insist that Islam is a peaceful religion – it allows us to justify our laid back attitude. In response to any extreme movement, we, the moderates peacefully make a peaceful statement, clarifying how peaceful Islam is, so we can get back to our peaceful lives, sipping kopi O at Kedai Kopi Ahmad.

    In conclusion, although I do not agree with the uncle on most counts, I believe he got one thing right – we are not good Muslims. As long as we tolerate nonsense, the moderates are equally as bad as the extremists.

     

    Source: www.freemalaysiatoday.com

  • Panelists: “Creeping Arabisation” Phenomena Could Be Due To Inferiority Complex

    Panelists: “Creeping Arabisation” Phenomena Could Be Due To Inferiority Complex

    KUALA LUMPUR, May 23 ― Self-loathing, ignorance and insecurity were among the main reasons for “Arabisation” taking root in Malaysia’s Malay community, pundits told a forum here last night.

    Sociologist Syed Farid al-Attas and historian Eddin Khoo said while the issue may have a more complex origin ― mostly from geopolitics stemming from the Saudi-Iran conflict ― the Arabisation phenomenon here could simply stem from inferiority complex.

    “For some reason the Malays often feel very low about themselves. So when they ape the Arabs they believe they are the more authentic (Muslims),” Syed Farid said.

    The term “Arabisation” is used among the country’s moderate and progressive Muslims to describe the rapid spread of Islamic conservatism within the community that once prided itself as the global poster boy of progressive Islam.

    Khoo noted that prior to the Arabisation phenomenon, the Malays were known for their ability to “internalise” Islam with their own culture.

    The result was a rich mix of identity that became unique to this region, he said.

    But much of it, like Kuda Kepang and Dikir Barat, have been systematically erased as the community became more eager to prove who is the more “authentic” Muslim, Khoo added.

    “There is an internal struggle within the Malays… Malay culture has become the victim of the battle between factions vying for control over who is more Malay (and Muslim),” the historian said in reference to the political rivalry between nationalist Umno and Islamist PAS.

    Historian Eddin Khoo speaks at the ‘Arabisation’ forum in Kuala Lumpur, May 23, 2016.

    Historian Eddin Khoo speaks at the ‘Arabisation’ forum in Kuala Lumpur, May 23, 2016.Amid the clash of ideologies between the two political parties, there are alarming signs that the more extreme strain of Islam, namely Wahabbism, has crept into the mainstream, Syed Farid said.

    This can be seen in the growing intolerance shown by hardline Muslims here towards diversity and religious pluralism, he added, noting that the autocratic ideology of “salafism” appealed to Muslims who wanted to impose their beliefs on others.

    “What we are importing is not the faith but the practices and beliefs from a culture from Saudi Arabia.

    “So what it is actually is not Arabisation, but the salafisation or Saudi Arabisation process… this is dangerous as this narrow interpretation of Islam can undermine (the diversity) of our religion,” he said, adding later that he was a staunch anti-salafist.

    Whistleblower website WikiLeaks revealed recently that Saudi Arabia has spent billions of dollars, often in covert campaigns, to spread Wahabbism globally.

    Wahabbism, a Saudi invention, is a radical, exclusionist puritanism strain of the Sunni sect. Salafis on the other hand are fundamentalists who believe in a return to the way of life of the first three generations of Muslims

    The funds are used to spread the belief through the building of mosques, madrasas, schools, and Sunni cultural centers across the Muslim world, leaked documents showed.

    Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir speaks at the ‘Arabisation’ forum in Kuala Lumpur. May 23, 2016.

    Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir speaks at the ‘Arabisation’ forum in Kuala Lumpur. May 23, 2016.

    Datin Paduka Marina Mahathir, the third panellist at the forum, argued that one of the reasons why Malays want to appropriate Arab culture is because they ignorantly equate the community with Islam, whereas Arabs made up just 15 per cent of the world’s Muslim population.

    “Malays have this simple thinking that everything Islam is Arab. But there are so many types of Arabs in the region… so when we try and emulate Arabs, which one are we talking about?” she asked.

    Khoo also said adoration of the Arabs by conservative Muslims was likely a psychological problem.

    He said some Malays believe weaving Arabic words into their daily speech made them come across as more knowledgeable about Islam.

    At the end of the public talk, Syed Farid said cultural assimilation was normal as the Malays had imported various cultural elements from different civilisations throughout history, including from the Arabs.

    But he said it was crucial for the community to preserve its own identity while practising Islam.

     

    Source: www.themalaymailonline.com

  • 6 Months Imprisonment For Attacker OF Madrasah Students

    6 Months Imprisonment For Attacker OF Madrasah Students

    A single act of racially aggravated violence wounds the victim, and by extension, the collective interest of society, said a district judge on Friday (May 20) as he sentenced a former security officer to six months’ jail.

    Koh Weng Onn, who attacked three madrasah students on April 1 this year, had pleaded guilty to two charges — causing hurt with racial aggravation, as well as committing a rash act causing hurt.

    District Judge Mathew Joseph noted that 48-year-old Koh, who suffers from a disorder with delusions of persecution, had made 355 police reports since 2008, many of them against Malay and Indian subjects.

    “The racial pattern in these reports poses a risk of the accused getting into similar situations (again),” he said.

    According to court documents, Koh started to have a bad impression of Malays several years ago, when he confronted a group for allegedly talking about him, and claimed that they started to hit him until he ran away.

    Around 7pm on March 31 this year, Koh was walking towards a coffee shop at East Coast Road when he saw two Malay women cycling towards him. He took a chair and pushed it towards them, sparking a dispute.

    A male Malay cyclist, who was behind the women, started having a shoving match with Koh. The police were called, and the parties apologised to each other.

    The next day, he was walking towards the MRT station along Paya Lebar Road at around 7.22am, when he passed a 16-year-old student. He suddenly kicked her and swore at her in Hokkien, leaving his victim shocked by the sudden blow.

    A minute later, Koh passed a 14-year-old student, and swung a plastic bag containing a filled 1.5-litre bottle towards the side of her face.

    As he entered Paya Lebar MRT Station and rode the escalator down, he saw a group of girls riding the escalator in the opposite direction.

    Koh waited till all of them, except the last girl, had passed him, before swinging his plastic bag at the 14-year-old’s face.

    Koh later defended himself, saying that the sight of the three girls, all students of Madrasah Al-Maarif Al-Islamiah, reminded him of the encounter with the cyclists, and thus angered him.

    Calling for a sentence of six months’ jail, Deputy Public Prosecutor Ang Feng Qian noted that Koh had confessed that he committed the offences because the victims were Malay. He also chose the girls specifically because they were young and female, to reduce the chances of retaliation and reprisal, she added.

    Defence lawyer Sunil Sudheesan, who pleaded for a jail term of three months, said Koh’s delusions had contributed to his offences.

    Mr Sunil added that the fact that an anonymous entrepreneur from an Arab-Muslim family had stepped forward to seek legal help for Koh and offered to foot his bills showed that Singaporeans are not “short-sighted”.

    Mr Sunil said: “They know the difference between someone who is a racist and a bigot, and someone who has (a) mental illness.”

    District Judge Joseph noted that Koh’s family had apologised on his behalf previously. “In a world (divided) by sectarian strife, the exhortation to love your neighbour becomes exceedingly crucial. And it’s all the more important for a nation like Singapore,” the judge said.

    Koh’s older brother, Mr Muhammad Johan Koh, told TODAY that the family accepted the sentence, adding: “He knew he committed an offence and needs to face the consequences. After serving his sentence, he will resume his treatment at the Institute of Mental Health. We will get the help we need to get him better.”

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com