Category: Politik

  • Farish A. Noor: Give Dignity Back To The Rohingyas

    Farish A. Noor: Give Dignity Back To The Rohingyas

    Today the Asean region is confronted with the challenge of coping with Rohingya who have taken to the seas to seek a safer life elsewhere. At the same time, the European Union is forced to deal with the phenomenon of Africans fleeing their continent to seek a better life in Europe.

    In both these cases, the refugees concerned have been portrayed as vulnerable, homeless people who present a challenge to other countries that have become the destinations for them.

    For reasons that I will elaborate on, I find this depiction of the Other as the “vulnerable victim” problematic; and I would argue that at this critical juncture we need to seriously interrogate the very language that we use to describe and understand such crises.

    Let us be honest from the start and call a spade a spade: The crises in North Africa and Myanmar are not natural disasters to begin with.

    Even in cases where natural disasters have struck, I have been amazed by the resilience and fortitude shown by ordinary human beings who demonstrate the capacity to cope under extraordinary circumstances.

    I recall, while working in Kashmir as part of the post-earthquake relief operation there in 2005, how a young couple in the devastated town of Muzaffarabad managed to hold their wedding ceremony in the midst of carnage and destruction.

    Practically every family I met had lost at least one relative, and in one village every woman and child had been killed, leaving the men alone and destitute.

    Yet in the midst of this loss and pain, a young couple could still proceed with their wedding – proof of the incredible strength of the human will and humankind’s capacity to rise above disasters.

    Upon my return to Europe, I was asked by my colleagues and students about what I saw and what I had learnt in Kashmir, and my reply was simply this: I learnt that human beings, in times of crisis, can rise to the level of the superhuman. The crisis in Kashmir was, however, a natural disaster, on a par with the tsunami of 2004. There was no one to blame for these disasters, as no agency was involved.

    A natural or man-made disaster?

    WHAT is happening now in South-east Asia and the Mediterranean is not a natural disaster though, but rather the result of political will and contestation that necessarily involve human agency, and thus entails the element of moral-political responsibility as well.

    To describe the phenomenon of boat people – be they drifting across the Mediterranean or the Indian Ocean or the South China Sea – as a “disaster” suggests an inevitability to the situation that begs the question: Surely, thousands of people would not rush out to sea, braving hazardous conditions that imperil their lives, for the sheer sake of it?

    But this is where a disconnect seems to have appeared: The developed countries in the West bemoan the fact that refugees from Africa are running to them, but have not asked why these people are running in the first place.

    For the deteriorating security conditions in countries like Libya today are not the result of some natural disaster but rather the outcome of political intervention gone wrong, leading to crises that are political in nature.

    The answer to the problem seems simple enough: If you do not want to have economic or political refugees rushing in your direction, perhaps it would be wise not to stir economic or political problems abroad in the first place.

    Likewise, the phenomenon of Rohingya taking to the seas today is not the result of an earthquake or a tsunami, but rather the outcome of a political crisis that has been brewing for years now.

    To describe the Rohingya as “homeless” obfuscates the fact that they have a home, or rather had a home, and that they have been forced to leave as a result of a domestic political crisis that likewise involves actors and agents who are local.

    As long as we refer to such people as “homeless”, we will perpetuate the notion that the Rohingya are a stateless community with no homeland of their own, and thus deny them their history, culture and identity as well.

    Not an Asean problem

    COMPOUNDING matters is the tendency to label this as an “Asean problem”, as if all of South-east Asia was implicated in the humanitarian crisis that led to this situation, when the honest approach would be to identify the actors and agents who have been responsible for this state in the first place.

    Some reports have bemoaned the fact that the Asean region has been slow to act, or suggested that Asean has proven itself powerless in the face of crisis. Yet again this blurs the distinction between those who are primarily responsible for the flight of the Rohingya and those who are now faced with the challenge of coping with this human exodus.

    The former are those who caused the crisis in the first place, and they include the right-wing ethno-nationalists and sectarian groups in Myanmar who have demonised the Rohingya, and in our analysis of the current situation we need to be clear on where the responsibility for this crisis lies, and who ought to take primary responsibility.

    The other countries of Asean may have been slow in their response to the flight of the Rohingya, but none of the other countries of Asean is directly responsible for their flight.

    The real test for Asean at the moment is thus two-fold: On the one hand, there is the growing need to find some means to deal with a crisis that can be compared with the flight of the Vietnamese boat people in the past, which requires Asean to get its act together and emphasise, yet again, the spirit of Asean cooperation on the basis of a common Asean history and shared destiny.

    Asean needs to speak up

    BUT Asean also has to be aware that its policy of non-intervention in the affairs of member-states has been problematic for some, and during times of crisis such as these the norm of non-intervention has been used to discredit Asean as a whole and paint a disparaging picture of the grouping as little more than a talk shop.

    In the way that Asean states today have become more assertive when dealing with non-conventional security issues such as cross-border pollution, and more willing to speak up when one country’s environmental problems become the problems of other countries, so should Asean states recognise that political crisis in one state may well become a shared crisis for the region as a whole. This can happen, however, only when we accept that some crises – such as the flight of the Rohingya – are not disasters that happen “naturally”.

    The Rohingya issue is also an occasion for the communities of Asean to reflect upon themselves and how they view the world around them. On a positive note, it should be recognised that in many countries across Asean at the moment, there has been an outpouring of concern and sympathy, which affirms a commitment to a sense of common humanity that we all share, regardless of differences in culture or nationality. We are not, after all, heartless and indifferent to the plight of others.

    But we should also be wary of over-emphasising the victimhood of the Rohingya, or casting them permanently in the role of the unfortunate and vulnerable, for such discourses of victimhood – when overplayed – can also hobble the Other and reduce others to the status of the perpetual victim.

    The Rohingya crisis is a man-made problem, with human actors and agents responsible. Concerted effort by nations and national actors is needed to resolve the crisis at that level.

    But the victims happen to be human too, and we should never forget that. Consider the fact that many of these refugees – be they the ones from Africa or from Myanmar – have spent weeks, perhaps even months, at sea; and have been forced to survive on sea water or even urine.

    What is that, if not a testimony to their strength and their enduring will to survive at all costs?

    Do not brand them homeless illegal immigrants. Do not dismiss them as boat people, as though their desperate bid for a better life in a vessel defines their identity and their existence.

    The very least that we need to do for these people is to recognise them for what they are: human beings with a cultural identity and history, endowed with dignity and who deserve a modicum of respect rather than condescension.

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com

  • Hard Truth: More Graduates But Not All Degrees Are Equal

    Hard Truth: More Graduates But Not All Degrees Are Equal

    After graduating with a second-class upper degree in human resource management, Mr Tan, 30, took some time to land a full-time job and he is currently doing administrative work — buying office supplies and processing claims. “I wished that we were taught more skills in university instead,” he said.

    Another graduate, Mr Tang, 27, who has a chemistry degree, has been working in an admin support temporary position for the past 18 months. “Unlike our parents’ time, it seems like there are many people holding a degree now but the fact is there are many jobs out there that do not require a degree holder to do the work.”

    On the other hand, there are graduates who have, by their own volition, ventured into careers that have little to do with what they had studied for in university. A PhD holder in biomedical sciences, Dr Christopher Yang, was a research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Yong Loo Lin School of Medicine when he made the switch into the financial sector four years ago.

    The 41-year-old said his biomedical career was going well, having received a grant to advance immunology research. But a series of circumstances — including the outlook of the industry, and the birth of his fourth child — led to him making the career switch. “I had to seriously think about my career path and prospects,” said Dr Yang, who is now an accredited financial adviser.

    In Asia, Taiwan and South Korea, have been experiencing an oversupply of graduates, with double-digit youth unemployment rates. In contrast, Singa­pore enjoys close to full employment, and more than 80 per cent of graduates from publicly-funded universities and the more-established private institutions are able to find jobs within six months of graduation.

    Nevertheless, policymakers are keeping a close eye on the situation. Anecdotal evidence from interviews with graduates and human resource experts shows that even though large numbers of graduates are able to land jobs, some are underemployed, be it by choice or circumstance.

    Underemployment occurs when highly-skilled people work in low-paying or low-skilled jobs, as well as when part-time workers prefer to be employed full-time.

    Internationally, underemployment is hard to define because of the subjectivity involved — such as a worker’s preference and whether qualifications equate to skills and performance.

    In October 1998, following an international conference among labour statisticians, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development decided to adopt “time-related underemployment” as the universal indicator for objective comparison across countries.

    Singapore’s Ministry of Manpower (MOM) uses the same indicator, which measures the proportion of part-time workers who desire to work more. Over the years, the overall proportion of underemployed graduates has stayed low, hovering around 2 per cent and reaching a three-year low last year. However, the underemployment rates for the arts as well as social services sectors stood at 9.3 and 6.4 per cent, respectively.

    Still, the overall underemployment rate here is significantly lower than in other developed countries. In the United Kingdom, for instance, one in 10 people are considered underemployed as of last year. In the United States, the proportion is 15 per cent as of March.

    Last year, then-Manpower Minister Tan Chuan-Jin flagged the issue as one to watch: “While we are not facing the unemployment and underemployment problems in other countries, we will not be immune to these trends … The proportion of degree holders in our workforce has been increasing.”

    He added: “The market has begun to differentiate between degrees that carry their full worth in knowledge and skills, and those that are essentially paper qualifications. We should, therefore, encourage our young to pursue their interests and go for substance when considering their education and career paths”.

    Agreeing, Mizuho Bank senior economist Vishnu Varathan said that, over time, the situation could be exacerbated by the exit from the workforce of baby boomers holding high-value-added jobs. With economic restructuring and as part of the evolution of the labour market, Mr Varathan said: “Not all of these jobs will be recycled back to the younger generation.”

    He noted that while attractive salaries — as a result of the tight labour market — could keep part-time workers content for now, the current level of wages for part-timers might not be sustainable in the long-term.

    Difficulties in measuring underemployment

    In order to ensure Singapore keeps a lid on the situation, Nee Soon GRC Member of Parliament Patrick Tay, who is part of the labour movement, has repeatedly raised the issue of underemployment in Parliament.

    Speaking to TODAY, he said the Government should re-examine the conceptual definition of underemployment and how it is measured. He suggested conducting a comprehensive survey for the various industry sectors to understand the required worker competencies or skills for specific jobs and whether the people holding these jobs are over-qualified.

    “There is currently a lack of data and a survey will help us assess the real extent of the underemployment problem,” he said.

    Human resource expert Linda Teo, who is country manager of ManpowerGroup Singapore, also stressed the need to analyse data on the pool of underemployed workers. She said: “Could it be a case where their qualifications are no longer relevant? Or that the affected workers have not upgraded themselves and kept up with the challenges in the industry?”

    Nanyang Technological University (NTU) economist Walter Theseira pointed out that underemployment is a growing area of research in many countries, given that the number of people around the world with advanced qualifications is higher than ever before.

    But he noted that it would require extensive efforts to conduct a study on what is essentially a grey area. It would involve, for example, looking at each job and its role and getting experts to determine the type of qualifications required. “What do you call the right level of education for a job? Workers can make up for a lack of formal qualifications with experience and other skills, so the right level of education may differ from person to person,” he said.

    Mr Varathan agreed that such an endeavour would be fraught with difficulties. Assumptions have to be made, including assuming that qualifications equate to job capabilities, he said. Also, “there is always the possibility that people think they are underpaid for a job”, he quipped.

    To better understand the underemployment situation, he proposed using productivity figures alongside unemployment data to determine if the labour force is being tapped to its full potential.

    In response to TODAY’s queries, MOM said that due to the subjectivity involved, there was no internationally established method for measuring non-time-related underemployment. Its spokesperson pointed out that MOM also tracks labour utilisation and employment outcomes, and that information on employment by occupation and education qualifications is collated and made available publicly.

    Nevertheless, the ministry acknowledged the spike in the number of degree holders here as well as the “increasing access to private educational institutions or alternative routes that offer degrees of varying quality”.
    Its spokesperson said: “We need to help individuals equip themselves with the skills needed to take on the quality jobs of today and tomorrow.”

    To this end, the SkillsFuture Council, chaired by Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam, was launched in September last year to spearhead efforts to develop an integrated system of education, training and career progression for Singaporeans. “Overall, we have to create a culture where workers are motivated and able to continually acquire relevant skills and experience that will help them advance in their careers,” the MOM spokesperson said. “This includes degree holders, who must also take ownership of their individual career and training development throughout their lives.”

    Singapore labour force statistics by the Ministry of Manpower
    Employees must be skilled in multiple disciplines

    The MOM’s labour force report last year showed that the proportion of degree holders grew by more 10 per cent over a decade to 32 per cent last year. In particular, degree holders made up more than half of local workers aged 25 to 39 last year.

    The report also showed that degree holders with qualifications in education (0.7 per cent), health sciences (1.7 per cent) and engineering sciences (2.8 per cent) had the lowest unemployment rates as of June last year, and were well below the average for all residents (3.7 per cent).

    At the other end, graduates of the fine and applied arts (6.2 per cent), mass communication and information science (6 per cent), and humanities and social sciences (5.3 per cent) had higher unemployment rates than the norm.

    Over the past year, Will (not his real name), 29, had sent out more 100 applications, but the sociology undergraduate — who will be graduating this year — has yet to secure a full-time job. He enrolled in a part-time degree course offered by a private university three years ago, spending S$23,000 on fees in a bid to boost his employability. “I thought getting a degree would help me move up the career ladder, but it did not,” he said.

    But he is in the minority, though there are concerns among policymakers about students spending much time and effort in getting private degrees, only to realise later that their degrees are irrelevant to the job market.

    Graduate unemployment here remains low. As of June last year, the graduate unemployment rate was 3.9 per cent, marginally up from 3.6 per cent in 2013.

    Human resource experts advised Singaporeans to be more selective in the type of degrees that they pursue. Increasingly, employees have to diversify their skills sets to stay relevant to the labour market, they said.

    NTU’s Assistant Professor Theseira noted that while everyone might aim to attain a degree, “not all degrees are created equally”. Mr Varathan pointed to the increasing number of degree holders in regional countries who could provide stiff competition in the job market here. Having working experience alongside qualifications will also start to gain traction among employers, he said.

    ManpowerGroup’s Ms Teo urged industries and universities to put in more effort to address misconceptions about unpopular jobs.

    “Getting students to explore a wide spectrum of careers and piquing their interest in lesser-known but very viable career alternatives can go a long way in nipping underemployment in the bud,” she said.

    Mr Adrian Tan, director of Career Ladder, a career consulting firm, recounted meeting mid-career professionals such as engineers who had to take on entry-level roles after their expertise became obsolete. He said that in the future, employees have to be skilled in multiple disciplines and should find opportunities to apply these new skills even outside of work. “The old career expectation is no longer relevant. You can’t depend on your qualifications and expect your career journey (to be) catered to until your retirement,” he added.

    Paradoxically, it is partly this desire to develop himself and pick up new skills that saw Dr Yang take the leap into a second career that has little to do with his degree in biomedical sciences.

    He recalled how he had taken a 50 per cent pay cut when he first became a financial adviser and had to pound the streets, approaching strangers as he looked for potential clients. He has few regrets leaving the biomedical sciences industry. Now, he is able to provide for his family and his flexible work schedule allows him to spend more time with his children.

    Experts noted that, increasingly, workers — especially younger ones — may opt for jobs for which they are over-qualified, in the name of pursuing their passion, greater work-life balance or other intangibles. For instance, Gen Y employees tend to prefer to work in well-known companies and have “low reliance on monetary benefits”, observed Mr Mark Hall, vice-president of staffing agency Kelly Services.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • Kenneth Jeyaretnam: Open Letter To Finance Ministry Concerning National Productivity Fund

    Kenneth Jeyaretnam: Open Letter To Finance Ministry Concerning National Productivity Fund

    Tharman Shanmuguratnam

    Deputy Prime Minister

    & Minister of Finance

    Ministry of Finance

    100 High Street

    #10-01 The Treasury

    Singapore 179434

    Dear Minister,

    I have some questions and concerns with regards to the National Productivity Fund (NPF). In particular I am concerned that there seems to be little accountability or Parliamentary oversight of the money spent and no information as to how much money remains in the Fund.

    You set the NPF up in Budget 2010 with an initial $1 billion allocation but a commitment to a total size of $2 billion. In Budget 2011 you allocated another $1 billion for the NPF  taking the total to $2 billion. In this year’s Budget you allocated another $1.5 billion. This brings the total amount of money allocated to at least $3.5 billion.

    It is a constitutional requirement that if you set up a new fund to be managed and administered separately from the Consolidated Fund you must pass a new Act of Parliament to provide for proper administration. If this is not done then under Article 147-(1) you are required to include the proposed expenditures in the annual estimates presented to Parliament before the end of each financial year. Parliament then has to approve the expenditures as part of the Budget process. This requirement is backed up by Article 7-(3) of the Financial Procedures Act that states:

    (3)  Subject to subsection (3A), moneys standing to the credit of Singapore with any bank, or otherwise held by Singapore may be invested by the Minister —

    (a )on deposit in any bank;

    (b) [Deleted by Act 45 of 2004]

    (c) in gold and other bullion;

    (d) in securities of, or guaranteed by, any government or international financial institution;

    (e) in any of the stocks, funds, securities or investments; or

    (f) as otherwise authorised by law,

    and such investments together with the interest and any other income received therefrom shall form either —

    (i) part of the Consolidated Fund;

    (ii) part of any fund created by any law; or

    (iii) part of any deposit account constituted under section 8,

    Parliament passed a law setting up the NPF in 2010. However this is not the case for several other funds that you have set up and allocated substantial sums of money to in the last few Budgets. I have been unable to discover any Parliamentary Acts for the Bus Services Expansion Fund (BSEF), the National Youth Fund (NYF) or the Special Employment Credit Fund (SECF), to name a few of the many funds you have set up over the last few years.

    Despite being required under the NPF Act to keep proper accounts and records and to present audited accounts to Parliament as soon as practicable, there is no record in the Parliamentary reports of this having been done. I have been unable to find the accounts online or to find any record that the Auditor-General has audited the accounts and controls of the NPF.

    The only evidence I can find as to how much money has been spent from the NPF is from the Parliamentary reports. On 15 October 2012, during oral answers to questions on the effectiveness of the Government’s productivity measures, Teo Ser Luck, then the Minister of State for Trade and Industry, revealed that $950 million had been committed from the NPF “to support the slew of productivity initiatives” and that approximately 7,000 companies had benefited. The next update was in the Debate on the President’s Address held on 26 May 2014 when Teo Ser Luck updated the House that half of the NPF had been committed. At that time the amount set aside was $2 billion so that would make total commitments until then $1 billion. Does that represent actual spending or commitments? Does the NPF hold shares in the companies to which it has given grants for productivity improvements or claw back any of the money spent from the financial gains?

    I am particularly concerned that the NPF, the BSEF and the SECF have never been shown in the annual Statement of Assets and Liabilities (see link) which Article 147-(4) (b) of the Constitution requires you to present to Parliament at Budget time.  The link is to the statement dated 31 March 2013. This is more than two years out of date but is the latest that you allow Parliament and the Singaporean public to have access to. However you have given the  President the statement dated 31 March 2014 and there is no reason why Parliament and the public should not have access to the more up-to-date figures.

    Screenshot 2015-05-21 10.51.10

    This is supposed to be “an audited statement showing as far as practicable the assets and liabilities of Singapore at the end of the last completed financial year.” Neither are the BSEF, the NYF or the SECF. However other funds are represented on the liability side of the balance sheet such as the National Research Fund, the GST Voucher Fund, the Lifelong Learning Endowment Fund, the Government Securities Fund and the Edusave Endowment Fund.

    To sum up, I have the following specific questions:

    1. Why have the annual Statements of Assets and Liabilities never shown the National Productivity Fund when it is a separate fund established by law and not part of the Consolidated Fund? For example, the National Research Fund is shown as part of the Statement even though the NPF is not.

    2. SImilarly why have the annual Statements never shown the BSEF, the SECF or the NYF?

    3. Would you agree that it is a Constitutional requirement to include them? If not what is the explanation?

    4. If the NPF is not shown on the liability side of the Government’s balance sheet, are the monies allocated still shown on the asset side?

    5. Similarly are the monies allocated to the BSEF or the buses purchased with the fund shown on the asset side of the balance sheet? Ditto with the SECF.

    6. If it is no longer included on the asset side, does this mean that the entire $2 billion appropriated to the NPF up until Budget 2015 has been spent?

    7. Why then did Teo Ser Luck say in Parliament on 26 May 2014 that only half the NPF had been committed?

    8. Were the accounts of the NPF ever presented to Parliament as required under the Constitution? Have they ever been audited by the Auditor-General? What about the BSEF and the SECF?

    9. Has the money committed been given away in grants and if so to which companies?

    10. Was there any requirement to pay back the grants from the increased productivity, if at all, of the companies?

    11. Given that productivity has not risen at all since 2010 and is in fact lower than before the financial crisis of 2008, it is difficult to see that there have been any positive benefits from the money spent. Would you agree that this has been a complete waste of taxpayers’ money?

    12. Why have Acts of Parliament not been passed to administer the Bus Services Expansion Fund, the Special Employment Credit Fund or the National Youth Fund? You allocated $2.35 billion to the SECF in 2012 and another $0.5 million in 2015 while the figure for the BSEF was $1.1 billion.

    13. If no Act has been passed, then would you agree that by law the monies allocated remain part of the Consolidated Fund and all expenditure therefrom needs to be authorised by Parliament?

    14. In the BSEF and the SECF remain part of the Consolidated Fund, would you point me to where expenditures from these funds were approved by Parliament as part of the Budget?

    I am sure that you will have a simple explanation for these apparent discrepancies and apologise if I have been too obtuse not to see it with the limited access to information given to the Singapore public and Parliament.

    You have rightly been vigilant on behalf of Aljunied residents in pursuing an alleged $6.4 million overpayment by the Aljunied-Hougang-Punggol East Town Council (AHPETC) to their managing agent.  Therefore you will understand why I am concerned on behalf of all Singaporeans by possible Constitutional breaches involving sums hundreds of times larger. My concerns go to the heart of transparency and accountability and the reasons why we need a strong Parliamentary check on the Executive. I am worried that without proper accountability and full transparency the monies allocated to the NPF and to other funds not shown could be used to cover up losses at Temasek, GIC and MAS. While there is no evidence that this has occurred there is equally no evidence that it has not.  I therefore urge you to release the accounts of these funds without delay and to answer my questions.

    You admitted this year that the amounts you allocated to endowments and trust funds do not constitute real spending after we drew this to the public’s attention herehere and here. Yet once they have been allocated they disappear from Parliamentary oversight and control and from the eyes of the public. In view of the Government’s admirably tight-fisted approach to spending on Singaporeans’ welfare, health and education it is vitally important that we see such controls applied to other areas of Government spending to see that there is no unnecessary wastage at best and fraud at worst.

    If the funds are not listed in the annual Statement of Assets and Liabilities then it is difficult to see how we are expected to believe that there are adequate controls on spending. We know that the Constitution requires you to provide the President with a summary of the receipts and expenditure of each fund but without transparency how can we know if the President is performing his Constitutionally mandated role adequately?

    You have ignored my previous letters written in May 2012 and February 2014 even though the latter showed that you had admitted that the AG had misrepresented a loan commitment as an asset when it is actually a liability in order to defeat my suit over Singapore’s $5 billion IMF loan commitment. Therefore I expect you will ignore this letter and shelter behind the High Court’s decision to deny Singaporeans locus standi to sue their Government if it breaches the Constitution. However if you fail to answer my questions within a reasonable time frame, Singaporeans can and will draw their own conclusions.

    Yours faithfully,

    Kenneth Jeyaretnam

     

    Source: http://sonofadud.com

  • Strong Hints From Lee Hsien Loong That Elections Are Coming Real Soon

    Strong Hints From Lee Hsien Loong That Elections Are Coming Real Soon

    Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong yesterday gave the strongest hint yet that the General Election (GE) is imminent, and could be held before it is due by January 2017.

    During a radio call-in programme on Chinese-language station Capital 95.8FM, Mr Lee was asked by presenter Gao Yixin when the next GE will be held. In response, Mr Lee used the analogy of a pregnancy, and said the timing of the GE is unlike giving birth where there is some predictability when the child will be born.

    Borrowing Mr Lee’s analogy, Ms Gao asked if “a baby has been conceived”. To which, Mr Lee said, smiling: “The baby has already been conceived earlier on.”

    Turning to his message to voters, Mr Lee said leadership renewal has always been an important issue raised during previous GEs and the coming elections will not be an exception, which is why Singaporeans should not take the elections lightly.

    To vote based on the assumption that the People’s Action Party will form the Government, and, therefore, think about giving away some seats to the Opposition “is a dangerous thinking”, he added.

    Reiterating a message to party activists at the PAP60 Rally in December that the next GE will be a “deadly serious fight”, Mr Lee said: “I think the Opposition will contest in every GRC in the upcoming elections, unlike in previous GEs where many areas were not contested. In such a situation, every vote is important, every Singaporean’s decision has an impact, we have to consider it carefully.”

    Asked if a new batch of leaders will be introduced at the coming polls, Mr Lee said about half of these leaders have been introduced in the 2011 GE. More potential candidates for ministerial positions will be among the newcomers introduced at the next elections, he added.

    Mr Lee also noted how the times have changed and Singapore can no longer be ruled under a “parenting-style” leadership. Instead, Singaporeans should be involved and discuss national issues, he said.

    He also said the Government had not expected the outpouring of grief when founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew died in March.

    In particular, he said he was surprised at the reaction from the younger generation, given that they did not have as much interaction with the late Mr Lee as the older generations did.

    During the one-hour radio show, Mr Lee took questions from eight callers on topics ranging from parents’ stress about the PSLE, to ways to change society’s mindset about pursuing degrees and graciousness in Singapore.

    Mr Lee’s hints of the timing of the next elections come after two research firms released reports last week, saying a GE is likely to be held this year.

    BMI Research said the People’s Action Party may look to hold elections before the next Budget is introduced and possibly before the end of the year.

    Blackbox Research also said in its bulletin last month that “there has not been a better time for the PAP to begin planning for an early election”, reporting that overall satisfaction with the Government has risen eight points from a year ago.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • French Mayor Suspended After Calling For Islam To Be Banned In The Country

    French Mayor Suspended After Calling For Islam To Be Banned In The Country

    A French mayor has been suspended from his party after calling for the country to ban Islam.

    Robert Chardon, the UMP mayor of Venelles in southern France, tweeted: “The Muslim religion must be banned in France” and added that anyone practising the religion must be “immediately escorted to the border”.

    He also claimed Islam will be banned in France by 2027.

    The tweet was part of a discussion former president Nicolas Sarkozy began with the public, using the hashtag #NSDirect.

    Former president Sarkozy was conducting a public discussion on Twitter (Getty Images)

    Former president Sarkozy was conducting a public discussion on Twitter (Getty Images)

    Sarkozy, who is leader of the UMP party and is likely to run for president again in 2017, immediately distanced himself from the comments, writing: “I condemn this proposal even if secularism also means fixing limits. Rights and limits go together.”

    UMP Vice-president Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet announced the party was suspending Mr Chardon pending a procedure to remove him from the UMP.

    “I have called for the expulsion procedure to be started for these absurd statements that in no way reflect the values and programme of the UMP,” she told AFP.

    Initially, it was thought the tweet had been sent after Mr Chardon’s account had been hacked, but the mayor confirmed he sent the extreme message.

    Recently the mayor has been treated for cancer of the mouth and came to his radical proposals during this period.

    “During my treatment, I’ve been thinking and I came to this conclusion. Islam should be banned in France, but also a Marshall Plan should be established to allow those who want to practice the Muslim religion to do so in their home country,” he told Le Monde.

    Mr Chardon became mayor of the small town of Venelles in 2012 after the death of his predecessor.

     

    Source: www.independent.co.uk