Category: Politik

  • The Future of Singapore Linked To Outcome of Electoral Battle At Tanjong Pagar GRC

    The Future of Singapore Linked To Outcome of Electoral Battle At Tanjong Pagar GRC

    Over the weekend, the new Singaporeans First Party (SFP) conducted a walkabout in the Tanjong Pagar group representation constituency (GRC).

    Among the more than 20 members and supporters were six of the party’s 10 founding members, including its secretary-general and former presidential candidate, Tan Jee Say.

    It is the SFP’s first foray as a political party into grassroots activities, and it is significant that it chose Tanjong Pagar to hold its first outreach event.

    singfirst

    Tanjong Pagar, of course, has been the constituency of Singapore’s former prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, since he first won the parliamentary seat there in 1955.

    Straits Times, 1955
    Straits Times, 1955

    Mr Lee, however, is now 91-years old and is unlikely to be fielded in the next general elections, which must be called by January 2017.

    This would leave the Tanjong Pagar constituency – which has been uncontested for the last five elections, since it became a multi-seat constituency under the GRC system in 1991 – in the hands of a new minister.

    tpresults

    That new minister is Chan Chung Sing, the current minister for the Ministry of Social Development and Family (MSF).

    Mr Chan is the former Chief of Army from 2010 to 2011, before he went into politics in the 2011 general elections.

    Seen as one of the forerunners to succeed Lee Hsien Loong as Singapore’s fourth prime minister, Mr Chan’s inclusion in the People’s Action Party (PAP) Tanjong Pagar GRC team was thus no surprise.

    The GRC system has long been seen as an umbrella for the PAP to shelter its potential ministers from the vicissitudes of electoral politics, and pave an easier path for the candidates to win at the polls while tailcoating a more experienced senior minister.

    In 2006, then Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong said as much, when he commented on the GRC system:

    “Without some assurance of a good chance of winning at least their first election, many able and successful young Singaporeans may not risk their careers to join politics.”

    He added:

    “Why should they when they are on the way up in the civil service, the SAF, and in the professions or the corporate world?”

    In other words, an assured path must be paved for those headhunted by the PAP, even (and perhaps, especially) if that person is a general in the armed forces, as Mr Chan was.

    But if Mr Lee were to step down at the next elections, it would mean Mr Chan would have to helm the GRC, a daunting task given how Mr Lee has been a larger than life figure in the constituency for so long.

    Mr Chan would have, barring any movement to a new ministry, only handled one full portfolio, although he is also the second minister for Defence. This would not have been enough for the party to assess if he could indeed be the next prime minister, especially also when he has not helmed a heavyweight portfolio such as Defence or Finance.

    With the current prime minister saying he would like to step down when he is 70, which is a mere 8 years away, Mr Chan does not have much time to prove himself in other areas.

    Nonetheless, what is on his side is that the MSF allows him to be more popular than perhaps his colleagues. The ministry manages welfare programmes for the elderly, the sick, children, disabled and families.

    Still, the question remains: is Mr Chan ready? More importantly, will he be able to helm and win a GRC for the PAP? This second question is especially pertinent given that he did not go through the proverbial baptism of fire in his maiden election in 2011.

    So, 2016 (or 2017) will be his first electoral contest – if he remains in Tanjong Pagar GRC (which in all likelihood he will), or if the constituency is not absorbed into another.

    Whether Mr Chan leads his team to victory will be momentous.

    A win will not only signal a change at the helm in the PAP Tanjong Pagar team, it will also set the succession plans of the PAP in firmer footing.

    In short, the answer to who will become Singapore’s fourth prime minister (and also the next secretary general of the PAP) will then be clearer.

    However, if Mr Chan should fail to lead his team to victory, it would also be significant – Mr Lee’s constituency which he has helmed for 60 years finally is lost to the opposition, and more importantly, the PAP’s succession plans for Singapore’s political leadership will be in serious jeopardy.

    It may also signal that Singapore indeed will be well on its way to further changes in its political landscape.

    In a speech in June 2006, Mr Goh said that the PAP’s “ability to attract capable individuals and its practice of political self-renewal were key to Singapore’s success.”

    However, this self-renewal only works if older or more senior leaders make way for younger ones, and do so at an early enough time to allow these younger leaders to cut their own teeth, as it were.

    And this is also why the GRC system is flawed – that someone who would be our next prime minister needed to be sheltered in to Parliament.

    Mr Chan, if he indeed became Singapore’s fourth prime minister, would be the first one to enter politics through the GRC system, and also through an uncontested walkover.

    He thus has something to prove yet.

    For Mr Chan, working on an 8-year timeline to succession, he has a short period to hone his mettle in heavyweight ministries – that is, if he can win public support at the next elections first.

    This is why the walkabout by the SFP on Saturday is also significant – that for the first time since 1991, Tanjong Pagar may at last be contested by the opposition, and that it may also be a reasonably electable team to boot.

    History will be made, whichever box the ballot is ticked – unless Mr Lee chooses to run again.

    Barring that, Mr Lee’s final farewell to Tanjong Pagar residents, then, will be as significant as his victory there 60 years ago, whether the PAP wins in the constituency – or not – or not this time round.

    The above article was first published on Fresh Grads.

     

    Source: www.theonlinecitizen.com

  • Online Scammer Masquerading As PAP’s Zainal Sapari

    Online Scammer Masquerading As PAP’s Zainal Sapari

    SINGAPORE — Member of Parliament Zainal Sapari, of Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC, has warned of an imposter trying to scam people via Facebook.

    “An unknown person has created a scam Facebook page using my name and photo,” Mr Zainal wrote in a Facebook post this afternoon (Nov 11). “He may have send you a personal message to be friends and follow up with a message about UN funding that I have received.”

    The imposter would then try to direct unsuspecting victims to click on an external link, where they could supposedly register to receive cash from the United Nations Development Programme as well.

    The fake Facebook account carried Mr Zainal’s name and his most recent profile photo. Mr Zainal has since changed his profile picture as of 6pm today.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • PAP MP Shames Small Boy Online For Cycling At High Speed At Void Deck

    PAP MP Shames Small Boy Online For Cycling At High Speed At Void Deck

    PAP MP for Nee Soon GRC Lee Bee Wah has taken to Facebook to shame a small boy for cycling at a void deck in her constituency.

    She posted to the Nee Soon South Community Club Facebook page alerting residents of a “high speed cyclist” at the void deck of Blk 879.

    She had uploaded a photo of the CCTV camera footage and asked for residents to email her if they know where the cyclist lived.

    The photo that was uploaded showed a small boy on his bicycle going through the void deck:

    LBW1

    It seems that even small kids can be shamed online and punished for trying to enjoy themselves and exercise in the area around their home.

    Singapore is already very crowded and there is very little space for young children to play or cycle near their homes.

    Do you think it is appropriate to put photos of a young boy online and ‘shame’ him for cycling in the void deck?

     

    Source: www.therealsingapore.com

  • PM Lee: “Realistic and Correct Salaries” = Clean Government

    PM Lee: “Realistic and Correct Salaries” = Clean Government

    SINGAPORE: Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong indicated that Singapore would like to be a conduit for a Maritime Silk Road, mooted by Chinese President Xi Jinping. In a half-hour interview with Yang Lan on Beijing Satellite TV that was broadcast on Monday (Nov 10), he said the world is watching China’s anti-corruption drive as it could be a tremendous boost to its development and stability, and described it as an admirable effort.

    He also addressed the notion of clean government in Singapore. He said it is not about high salaries, but ones that are “realistic and correct”, in order to find the right people who are “most capable”, and “most trustworthy”.

    Here are some excerpts from Mr Lee’s interview, aired while the Prime Minister is in Beijing for the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) summit.

    ON REGIONAL COOPERATION

    Q: In the Asia-Pacific region, there are many bilateral, multi-lateral, regional and sub-regional trade agreements and mechanisms of cooperation. For example, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) which is supported by the United States, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which China is involved in. Do you think there is an element of competition between these two groupings?

    A: Of course there is some element of competition and overlapping, but that cannot be helped. Because the most ideal way to cooperate is to do so on a global basis, which involves all economies. It becomes a multi-lateral agreement, such as through the Doha Round of negotiations. But the Doha Round involves many countries, so it becomes difficult to reach an agreement. In the Asia-Pacific region, we hope that if fewer countries are involved, that makes it less difficult and we can get things done faster.

    So for APEC, we have a voluntary method of cooperation, and we have already made some progress. The TPP and RCEP are both recognised as pathways to achieve free trade in the Asia-Pacific. Our economies are in different stages of development, and our different mechanisms for cooperation need to adapt to these realities.

    Q: One reality is that Singapore is very much involved in these various trade agreements and cooperation mechanisms. How does this reflect Singapore’s view of itself? What does globalisation mean to Singapore?

    A: We have no choice. We are a very small country, with a very open economy. If we are not outward-looking, then we have no way to go. In countries such as China, the US, and Japan, the domestic economy is already huge, the domestic demand is sufficient. We do not have that – if we rely on domestic demand to boost manufacturing, I think very few companies will come to Singapore. If we rely on our own farming to supply all our food, then I think we will starve. So we have to look outwards. If there is an opportunity, we will try our best to take part in these negotiations for free trade agreements, and try our best to cooperate with other countries, to deepen our relationships; enhance our mutually beneficial work.

    THE NEW MARITIME SILK ROAD

    Q: President Xi Jinping has proposed the idea of developing a new Maritime Silk Road. In such a scenario, for the relevant economies, in terms of infrastructure – including information networks and the internet, and other network systems – there can be improvements. Does Singapore see an opportunity and role for itself in such a scenario?

    A: The idea of a Maritime Silk Road – it can deepen our cooperation with neighbouring countries, and strengthen, especially, trade and investment from China and its neighbouring countries. So of course, we hope that some of these services can be supplied through Singapore’s port, airport and networks.

    MAINTAINING INTEGRITY IN GOVERNMENT

    Q: Economic reform, the creative economy, and urbanisation are some of the topics up for discussion at APEC. Another important theme is anti-corruption. What are your views on the relationship between anti-corruption measures and economic development? In the past, people have viewed this as a political issue and a social issue. 

    A: In the long term, anti-corruption measures are necessary for economic development. In Singapore, we feel anti-corruption is very important. Since the People’s Action Party became the ruling party, its 55 years – we have always stood firm on maintaining a clean and corruption-free Government. Of course, sometimes some people may break the rules, or break the law. No matter who is involved, we deal with this very strictly according to law. So I admire Mr Xi’s anti-corruption drive in China.

    Q: So you have been paying attention to the anti-corruption drive?

    A: I think the whole world is paying attention. Because if China can succeed in this, I think it will be a tremendous boost to China’s development and stability.

    Q: In China, particularly at the government level, the topic of Singapore’s clean government is often discussed. But very often people attribute its success to high salaries for office-holders. Do you think it is that simple?

    A: I think the topic of high salaries can cause a sharp reaction. In principle, we are not talking about high salaries, what we want are realistic and correct salaries. We want talent, we want morally upright people, and we want the right people for the right jobs. The most important job must be done by the most capable, the most trustworthy person. If we want the services of such capable and trustworthy people, then we must treat them fairly and equally. We must have a practical system – a realistic salary.

    At the same time our requirements are strict – your performance must be good. Legally, you absolutely cannot do anything you are not supposed to do, and if that happens, you will be punished under the law, and the punishment will be severe. So this is not just a question of salaries, it is also a matter of the system, an issue of transparency, and our whole culture.

  • The Rise Of A Female Minister In Indonesia: Puan Maharani

    The Rise Of A Female Minister In Indonesia: Puan Maharani

    OVER the past week, Indonesia’s new Coordinating Minister for Human Development and Culture Puan Maharani has led meetings on the rollout of new nationwide health and education assistance cards, gone brisk-walking with ministry staff, and dropped in on the glitzy Jakarta Fashion Week.

    It is all part of her job overseeing eight ministries, including religion, health, social affairs, education, and youth and sports.

    But news of her appointment two weeks ago surprised some, who questioned her experience, or lack thereof, to take on the post.

    It did not help that photos were making the rounds of Ms Puan riding in a golf buggy from one end of the presidential palace compound to the other for the first Cabinet meeting while all the other ministers walked.

    But make no mistake: The 41-year-old lives up to her name – Puan Maharani translates as Madam Empress. Not only that, she is also the next-generation torchbearer of the most prominent family in Indonesian politics.

    The granddaughter of founding president Sukarno is the youngest child and only daughter of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, who heads the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).

    Ms Puan reportedly wanted to be President Joko Widodo’s vice- presidential running mate, but surveys suggested his ratings would suffer if they teamed up.

    Although she lacks experience in governance and is the youngest minister in Mr Joko’s Cabinet, she is not a new face in politics.

    “We know Ms Puan is a female politician steeped in experience who has proven herself as a commander in the 2014 election and who has experience in social activities, especially for the small people,” Mr Joko said when announcing his ministerial slate.

    Political analyst Achmad Sukarsono of The Habibie Centre think-tank told The Straits Times: “She has something nobody has – the Sukarno bloodline, and the connection to the leader of the biggest party in Indonesia.”

    He sees her ministerial appointment as a necessity for Mr Joko’s political survival.

    But Ms Puan’s rise in stature also comes amid an ongoing debate among party loyalists over whether a person needs to be a direct descendant of Sukarno, or best shares his values, to lead them.

    Ms Puan was 14 when her mother first became an MP for the then PDI in 1987 and witnessed at close quarters then president Suharto’s efforts to orchestrate a party coup and unseat Ms Megawati from the post as her popularity grew.

    Ms Puan, a communication studies graduate from the University of Indonesia, was also a witness to how the party her mother led won 33 per cent of the vote in the 1999 general election after Mr Suharto’s downfall, and how backroom dealing saw Ibu Mega, as Ms Megawati is widely called, relegated to vice-president.

    But Ms Megawati got the top job two years later after her predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid was impeached in the wake of graft scandals and incompetence at the helm. Ms Puan became a close aide, accompanying her mother on trips around the country, including disbursing assistance to disaster victims.

    Ms Puan has two older brothers from Ms Megawati’s first husband, who died in a plane crash. They have largely focused on business and stayed away from the public eye.

    She is likewise guarded about her husband, oil and gas businessman Happy Hapsoro, and their two teenage children.

    But she told women’s magazine Femina in a recent interview that it was the PDI-P’s sliding result at the 2004 general election and her mother’s loss in the first direct presidential election that sparked her formal entry into politics.

    “How could we lose when, at the previous election, we got 33 per cent?” she recalls asking her father.

    “Papa would only say, if you want those answers… it means it’s time you enter politics.”

    Her late father Taufik Kiemas, a businessman and former student leader widely seen as the lead politician in the family, had of course nudged his daughter and only child early on.

    Ms Puan recalled how she initially regretted being “compelled” to attend numerous meetings he had with important people she did not really know.

    “I used to say I didn’t know what to say. But he said: ‘There’s no need to speak, what’s important is that you listen’… Now he’s gone, I realise why he kept inviting me along,” she told Femina.

    “By being there, I got to know them, and know what Papa would discuss with them. Not only that, I got to understand the attitudes and positions they had on issues. To me, this is crucial in the political world.”

    In 2007, Ms Puan took the plunge, heading the PDI-P’s women’s section and then standing for election in 2009.

    She won 242,504 votes – the second-highest number nationwide – losing to the younger son of then president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who had 327,097.

    Ms Puan later took on a greater role in party matters, heading its political section and then heading the party’s MPs in Parliament from 2011. She also led the party’s efforts to help PDI-P MP Ganjar Pranowo win the central Java gubernatorial election last year.

    Reports based on her last publicised wealth declaration put her assets at more than 34 billion rupiah (S$3.7 million), including land and three Harley-Davidson motorcycles.

    She was also named head of the party’s general election team. But some were disappointed that she did not manage to secure a solid result for PDI-P for, while it was the top party with 19 per cent of the votes, this was well below the 27 per cent target.

    Mr Joko denied widespread speculation of an internal rift in the wake of the election result, telling reporters a few days after the April 9 vote, in what some read as a veiled allusion to her shopping trips: “After the election, Ms Puan left for Hong Kong. I haven’t seen her since then.”

    After the July 9 presidential election, she was tipped to become parliamentary Speaker, but the PDI-P-led coalition failed to secure majority support from other parties to get her the job.

    Still, now that she is a key minister, several PDI-P leaders have tipped her for greater things.

    Said Mr Trimedya Panjaitan: “She needs to prepare herself to be vice-president in 2019.”

    That is not a given, of course. How Ms Puan performs in her current job will determine whether she can make the cut.

    [email protected]

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com