Category: Singapuraku

  • Who Gets To Speak On Cooling-Off Day?

    Who Gets To Speak On Cooling-Off Day?

    Someone has gone running to the police (again) in Singapore, and this time it’s the Elections Department.

    On Friday (27 May), it announced that the Assistant Returning Officer had filed police reports against The Independent Singapore, activist and former lawyer Teo Soh Lung and blogger Roy Ngerng for allegedly breaching Cooling-Off Day rules.

    Cooling-Off Day first came into force during the 2011 General Election. We were told that voters need a day of quiet introspection, away from the noise of election campaigning. Hence, all political parties and candidates would be disallowed from posting any election advertising or campaign material on that day. The only exceptions would be the following:

    1. Party political broadcasts on television;
    2. Reports in the newspapers, on radio and television relating to election matters;
    3. Approved posters and banners that were already up, and lawful Internet advertising that was already published before the eve of Polling Day;
    4. Books previously scheduled for publication;
    5. The transmission of personal political views by individuals to other individuals, on a non-commercial basis, using the Internet, telephone or electronic means; and
    6. Such activities or circumstances as may be prescribed by the Minister.

    I was then a volunteer contributor to The Online Citizen, gearing up to cover my first election. I remember the rules causing confusion: Did this mean that we wouldn’t be allowed to publish articles on our website the day before the election? Why would we be banned from doing so, if the newspapers, radio and television news could continue as usual? In the end, we rushed to complete and publish write-ups of election rallies on 5 May by 11:59pm.

    Confusion remains

    Five years later, the confusion appears to still be present. Despite the Elections Department’s own website saying that “the transmission of personal political views by individuals to other individuals, on a non-commercial basis, using the Internet, telephone or electronic means” is exempt from the Cooling-Off Day rules, the department under the Prime Minister’s Office has seen fit to file police reports against both Teo and Ngerng.

    Its reasoning can be found in its press release: “In filing the police reports, the Assistant Returning Officer has taken into consideration the nature of the postings and the potential impact that they might have had. … The two individuals – Teo Soh Lung and Roy Ngerng – also regularly engage in the propagation, promotion and discussion of political issues.”

    Yet, this explanation is hardly tenable. The exemption, as mentioned above, only refers to individuals transmitting personal political views to other individuals – which is what both Teo and Ngerng did. Saying that they “regularly engage in the propagation, promotion and discussion of political issues” is hardly incriminating; it is the right of every citizen to be able to discuss political issues, and make their views heard.

    Interestingly, the wording of the exemption relating to individuals is different in the Elections Department’s press release, which entails “the telephonic or electronic transmission by an individual to another individual of the first-mentioned individual’s own political views, on a noncommercial basis”.

    A close reading of both versions can yield different interpretations. While the version on the Elections Department’s website appears to indicate that a public Facebook post on one’s personal page could fall under the exemption – since it is the transmission of one’s views to other individuals using the Internet – the wording in the press release (which is also the wording in the actual statute) could potentially suggest that the exemption only applies to one-on-one transmission through telephonic or electronic means, in which case Teo and Ngerng’s posts would not fall under the exemptions.

    Why are there two different versions? If the Elections Department has taken it upon itself to re-word the law on its website, it can hardly blame citizens for being confused or misinformed, and breaching the rules in consequence.

    The report lodged against The Independent Singapore is similarly unfair. There should not be a line drawn between the traditional and online media, particularly when the government had previously justified policies regulating online news websites as simply bringing things in line with the regulations placed upon the mainstream media. The government cannot have its cake and eat it too, deciding, as if arbitrarily, when the online and mainstream media are “in line” and when they are not.

    The offending articles on The Independent Singapore as identified by the Elections Department were listicles and articles reporting on election-related material, aggregating responses from social media as many media outlets now do. One might argue over the quality or editorial slant of the articles, but to do so without acknowledging that the mainstream media, too, has its own editorial slant is disingenuous and unfair. To disallow websites like The Independent Singapore from publishing on Cooling-Off Day while the mainstream media is free to continue as usual simply invites suspicion and allegations of political bias within the law itself.

    Poor grasp of social media

    This sorry episode of lodged police reports simply demonstrates how poorly thought-out and unevenly enforced the Cooling-Off Day rules are.

    The law fails to factor in the complexity of social media, where an individual’s post can easily reach hundreds, if not thousands, while still remaining his or her personal opinion. It fails to acknowledge the growth of independent news websites as part of Singapore’s media landscape.

    And most importantly, in a climate where the mainstream media is widely seen as under the influence – if not control – of the incumbent, it fails to acknowledge the massive asymmetry in power and reach of one party over others.

    Source: Yahoo News

  • LearnIslam.sg Dilancarkan, Kandungi Rujukan Agama Sempena Ramadan Ini

    LearnIslam.sg Dilancarkan, Kandungi Rujukan Agama Sempena Ramadan Ini

    Umat Islam setempat kini boleh mendapatkan panduan agama dengan lebih mudah menerusi satu portal online, LearnIslam.sg.

    Laman tersebut diperkenalkan di pelancaran Kempen Sentuhan Ramadan petang ini tadi (29 Mei).

    Portal itu sudah boleh dilungsuri dan diteruskan selepas Ramadan sebagai satu-satunya wadah online yang mengandungi sumber rujukan agama yang dihasilkan sendiri oleh para asatizah tempatan yang bertauliah.

    Antara lain portal LearnIslam.sg menghimpunkan pelbagai rencana keagamaan, sumbangan para asatizah termasuk Mufti Negara, Dr Mohamed Fatris Bakaram.

    Selain itu, para pengguna yang berdaftar juga boleh mendapatkan senarai program keagamaan yang ditawarkan para penyedia di merata Singapura dan berdaftar secara langsung di portal tersebut.

    Hadir di pelancaran tadi, Menteri Bertanggungjawab Bagi Ehwal Masyarakat Islam, Dr Yaacob Ibrahim, berkata inisiatif sedemikian tidak boleh hanya dilihat sebagai tindak balas kepada mesej-mesej pelampau  di Internet.

    Sebaliknya, portal itu merupakan satu cara untuk mendalamkan lagi pemahaman agama Islam di kalangan golongan belia.

    “Saya rasa dengan wadah yang ada ini, disediakan oleh pihak MUIS, kita boleh mengajak golongan belia untuk mereka tampil ke hadapan, untuk memberikan apakah soalan-soalan mereka, keprihatinan mereka. Kita boleh bekerjasama untuk menentukan bahawa mereka faham fahaman Islam dengan lebih mendalam dan sekaligus, kita mendidik mereka tentang nilai-nilai yang penting dalam masyarakat kita,” ujar Dr Yaacob semasa ditemui media.

    SENARAI TEMPAT AGIH BUBUR RAMADAN

    Satu kit persiapan Ramadan juga akan disediakan di portal itu. Ia mengandungi pelbagai maklumat seperti jadual solat tarawih, senarai tempat yang mengagih bubur Ramadan serta resipi-resipi juadah sahur dan iftar yang lebih sihat.

    Inisiatif sedemikian selaras dengan tumpuan kempen Sentuhan Ramadan tahun ini iaitu ‘Menimba Ilmu’ yang menggalakkan umat Islam supaya meningkatkan kegiatan kerohanian serta ibadah sepanjang bulan Ramadan dan seterusnya.

    Mengekalkan tema “Ramadan Bersama Keluarga”, kempen tahun ini dilancarkan oleh Menteri Bertanggungjawab Bagi Ehwal Masyarakat Islam, Dr Yaacob Ibrahim, di Masjid Al-Iman petang tadi.

    Source: Berita MediaCorp

  • Pritam Singh  – A Response To Bilahari Kausikan On The Issue Of Opposition Parties And Foreign Policy

    Pritam Singh – A Response To Bilahari Kausikan On The Issue Of Opposition Parties And Foreign Policy

    Former Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs Mr Bilahari Kausikan’s remarks at the fifth and final lecture of his IPS-Nathan Lecture Series titled Dealing with an Ambiguous World: Can Singapore Cope? revisited an intractable pessimism and lack of confidence about the approach of the opposition in Singapore – specifically the Workers’ Party – towards foreign policy in Singapore.

    This opinion was apparently formed on the basis of a parliamentary question I asked the then Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2013, on Singapore’s decision to abstain on the successfully passed United Nations (UN) General Assembly resolution to elevate Palestine’s status at the UN to that of a non-member observer.

    I say Mr Kausikan’s views on the matter are intractable because this is the second time the very same point he makes has been carried by the Straits Times, although it is the first time he refers to me by name.[1] In fact, Mr Kausikan, has consistently made the identical point, originally found in an endnote of his contribution to a book published by Straits Times Press in 2015 titled The Big Ideas of Lee Kuan Yew.[2]

    I will use the rest of this article to address Mr Kausikan’s misgivings, by putting my views on the drivers of my parliamentary question on Palestine in perspective. In doing so, I will identify the shortcomings and partisan nature of Mr Kausikan’s point about the Workers’ Party approach towards foreign policy, which he anchors on the basis of one parliamentary question, albeit recycled three times across three different contributions authored by him.

    Before doing so, it would only be appropriate for me to acknowledge Mr Kausikan for his reflections on a broad canvas of topical issues on global affairs as the second speaker of the IPS-Nathan lecture series. They reveal a personality with an acute sense of Singapore’s interests and the trade-offs that determined Singapore’s foreign policies priorities in years past and present. I personally found his reflections on the management of a rising China in the years to come and importance of avoiding invidious choices, insightful.

    In making his point that the Workers’ Party plays “fast and loose with foreign policy for partisan purposes”, Mr Kausikan posed three rhetorical questions. Firstly, if the Arab countries did not think Singapore’s relations with Israel and our position on Palestine were problems, why was the Workers’ Party asking questions on Middle East policy? Secondly, and rather sinisterly, was the Workers’ Party trying to stir our Malay-Muslim ground against the government? And finally, would Singapore benefit if Singaporean Muslims become alienated from the government or non-Muslim Singaporeans?

    During the question and answer session at the lecture, in a moment of complete serendipity, a member of the audience asked Mr Kausikan, “What was the political reality of being a Malay-Muslim minority in Singapore?”

    Mr Kausikan replied, “I have not the slightest idea what they experience and what they feel [as I am] not a Malay-Muslim.”[3]

    Politicians in a multiracial and multi-religious country do not have the diplomatic immunity to deflect such questions.

    It is apposite to note that nowhere in my parliamentary question did the Arab countries feature. The reason Mr Kausikan saw fit to introduce a red herring, which is not found on the parliamentary record, is best known to him. On the contrary, my parliamentary question sought to query whether the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would consider voting along with the majority of ASEAN members on Palestine-specific issues at the UN in future, particularly since all the ASEAN countries voted in favour of the resolution, barring Singapore.

    The Straits Times published the Ministry’s position on the aforesaid resolution on 1 Dec 2012, in a short 125-word piece, citing the upgrade in Palestine’s status at the UN as a “unilateral move” that should be seen “in the context of its efforts for full UN membership.” This position, which largely mirrored that of the US – which voted against the resolution – was a wholly incongruous one for some of my Malay-Muslim constituents, some of whom follow the Israel-Palestine issue closely. Much more closely than I had cared to assume.

    As Singapore supported a two-state solution, why was it abstaining from a vote that brought Palestine closer to that reality, they asked? A handful requested me to raise the issue in Parliament, and I duly did as it was a legitimate query in my view. It did cross my mind why Singapore would take such a position, which made it stick out like a sore thumb among its closest neighbours in a largely Malay-Muslim neighbourhood. Could such a position unnecessarily unsettle the Malay-Muslim mainstream in Southeast Asia? Was it a wise position to take? And how was it in Singapore’s interests? In fact, there was no readily apparent reason why the Singapore government chose to abstain, since it consistently supported a two-state solution with regard to the Israel-Palestine conflict, a position the government takes even today.

    The Minister of Foreign Affairs provided a lengthy, largely helpful and more detailed reply – in step with the political process in a parliamentary democracy – to say that Singapore had consistently voted in favour of Palestinian resolutions at the UN General Assembly. My point was that this consistent course of action had been lost on many Malay-Muslim Singaporeans as the diplomatic and political signature of Singapore’s decision to abstain from voting in favour of Palestine’s ascension to the UN as a non-member observer, overshadowed our earlier voting patterns on Palestinian issues at the UN.

    Even so, the ground sentiments of the Malay community on Palestine did not start to manifest themself as a result of my parliamentary question. To this end, it is helpful to consider some of the public sentiments on the Israel-Palestine issue that have been published in the Straits Times from Singaporeans of all racial and religious stripes, particularly Malay-Muslims. These go some way to answer the loaded question posed by Mr Kausikan – would Singapore benefit if Singaporean Muslims become alienated from the government or non-Muslim Singaporeans? The answer is an obvious one, but wholly irrelevant and unconnected to the point Mr Kausikan seeks to make.

    In 2005, the Ministry of Information, Communication and the Arts and MINDEF organised an exhibition titledThe Changing Face of Terrorism, which featured the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in a photo montage as a terrorist. More than one reader questioned this characterisation and whether it was fair or accurate. In 2006, in response to a piece by the deputy chief of the Israeli embassy in Singapore, a Sikh Singaporean and Young PAP member questioned why the Straits Times published an Israeli perspective on Israel’s actions in the region without offering a Palestinian position on the same matter. In 2007, the President of PERGAS (Singapore Islamic Scholars & Religious Teachers Association), in response to the Israeli ambassador’s call for a dialogue with PERGAS, politely replied that any meaningful dialogue could only take place when Israel ceases its aggression and use of force in the Gaza strip and Southern Lebanon, urging Israel to take a more reflective stance on its past actions. In 2009, a Malay Muslim wrote in to state that the bombing of civilians in Gaza was unconscionable, with another eloquently arguing why Muslim communities around the world were outraged over the death of innocent Palestinians.  In 2014, in an event organised by From Singapore to Palestine (FS2P), a group set up in 2012 to create awareness about the Palestinian situation gathered at Speakers’ Corner to show solidarity with the people of Gaza.

    Whether Mr Kausikan cares to admit, the Palestine issue is on the minds of a not insignificant number of Singaporeans. He would have to offer a compelling reason why he considers such foreign policy questions off-limits, even more so in the context of our democratic system of government – and especially since Singapore’s position as an outlier in abstaining on Palestine’s elevation was out of the ordinary from its usual approach. That the Malay-Muslim ground did not “turn against the government” or see “the alienation of the community” by non-Muslim Singaporeans as a result of my question, suggests a flaw in Mr Kausikan’s understanding of the Malay-Muslim ground in Singapore on the Palestine issue.

    In the same speech, Mr Kausikan, rather oddly, took issue with another question I asked in parliament on Palestine in 2014, which again, in his view, “could” have inflamed our Malay-Muslim ground. In arguing that the Workers’ Party’s views on foreign policy do not inspire confidence in him, a cursory check of the parliamentary record would show that the 2014 question he refers to, was actually filed by a PAP politician, who was later joined by his PAP colleague enquiring if Singapore could take a stronger stance against Israel!

    I had asked a supplementary question on the back of the question filed by the PAP MP on the dangers of self-radicalisation amongst Singaporeans as a result of the shocking images coming out of Gaza, and raising the prospect of this possibility to Israel through the Ministry’s public and private channels. In the name of consistency – which Mr Kausikan argued, in reply to separate question after his lecture, was “overrated” – the ambassador would have to concede that the filing of the question on Palestine and subsequent supplementary questions by the PAP MPs could have inflamed the Malay-Muslim ground as well. Why he chose not to make this point is best known to him.

    Mr Kausikan concluded his lecture by stating that he was not pessimistic about Singapore’s ability to cope with the complexities ahead. In so far as the Workers’ Party’s approach on foreign policy is concerned, he ought to have no difficulty in opining similarly.

    A check of the parliamentary record would show that on defence and foreign policy issues, the Workers’ Party adopts a measured approach, best appreciated by the tone of the Committee of Supply debates between members of the WP MPs and PAP Ministers. We do not hold back from asking questions on defence expenditure and other difficult issues, as seen most recently by the back and forth between the Defence Minister and Workers’ Party MP Faisal Manap on the challenging issue of halal kitchens on our warships. But we do so with the interests of Singapore and Singaporeans at the centre of our objectives, and in the context of a multi-racial society where every community has a right to have its reasoned voice heard in parliament. That has been the guiding principle of the Workers’ Party and must be so of all Singaporeans, regardless of our political affiliations.

    In the final analysis however, it takes two hands to clap on an existential issue for Singapore such as foreign policy or for it “to stop at the water’s edge” as Mr Kausikan puts it. At this year’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs Committee of Supply Debates, which included contributions made by PAP and Workers’ Party MPs, Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan remarked, “Mdm Chairman, I thank the Members of the House for sharing their perceptive insights yesterday. I am gratified by our unity of purpose. The friends and protagonists that we have on the international stage will not be so much listening to what I have to say, but rather to the congruence of the discussions and the debates in this House. It is important that we demonstrate unity of purpose.”

    Achieving such a unity of purpose on foreign policy in parliament is not an alien concept to the Workers’ Party. Nothing is stopping the government and ambassadors like Mr Kausikan from engaging opposition politicians with a view to achieve this unity outside parliament too.

    _____________

    [1] “Foreign Policy is no laughing matter”, The Straits Times, 8 June 2015.

    [2]  In the book, Mr Kausikan also took issue with the Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party, Mr Low Thia Khiang for asking the Minister of Foreign Affairs why Singapore had brought the Indonesian transboundary haze issue to the UN in the past, but not in 2013, on the back of the worse episode of haze to affect Singapore. To Mr Kausikan, this was “politicking”.

    [3] See video from 1.31.30 onwards: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gViA1O9L934

     

     

    Source: https://singapore2025.wordpress.com

  • Zulfikar Shariff: Duterte – Beneath Tough Talk, Is He A Potential Peacemaker?

    Zulfikar Shariff: Duterte – Beneath Tough Talk, Is He A Potential Peacemaker?

    The election of the Philippines’ President-elect Rodrigo Duterte signals an important shift in the country’s internal politics.

    A lot has been made of Mr Duterte’s tough-speaking, no-nonsense approach to crime in Davao. His two decades as mayor of Davao City in Mindanao have seen a drop in violent crime. This drop is attributed partly to his support of the “Davao Death Squad”, a vigilante group that conducts extrajudicial killings of criminals.

    In a region where violence (criminal and political) is part of the local history, Mr Duterte’s approach was widely supported. However, beyond the tough, warrior-like front, he has also cultivated another persona – as a peacemaker. And ironically, he is possibly one of the best hopes for lasting peace in the Philippines.

    RELATIONSHIP WITH JOSE MARIA SISON

    A Maoist-inspired Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) rebellion that seeks social and political reform has lasted more than 40 years and claimed about 30,000 lives.

    The CPP is supported by its military wing, the New People’s Army (NPA) while the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) is the political front.

    It seeks the removal of US influence and dismantling of traditional power structures that dominate relations between the peasantry and political elites. At its height in the 1980s, the CPP numbered more than 25,000 members. Its membership has dwindled to about 4,000, mainly from the peasant and indigenous communities.

    Negotiations between the CPP and the government have repeatedly broken down amid accusations of bad faith and insincerity. In 2013, negotiations were called off after the CPP demanded that its rebels held in detention be released. The Philippine government rejected the demand, citing difficulty in ascertaining a rebel from a criminal.

    Mr Duterte’s longstanding relationship with the CPP’s founder and ideologue, Jose Maria Sison, may provide a solution to the conflict.

    Sison, who was Mr Duterte’s lecturer at Lyceum University, has been in a self-imposed exile in the Netherlands after the Philippine government cancelled his passport while he was on a European lecture tour.

    Mr Duterte’s overtures to the CPP have been received positively by its leadership. Soon after his election, he met NDFP chief negotiator Fidel Agcaoili and committed to peace talks and amnesty for political prisoners.

    He further offered the CPP four Cabinet posts in the labour, agrarian reform, environment and social welfare departments.

    This offer does not mean the CPP would necessarily be part of the administration.

    As Sison has made clear, the offer can only be accepted once there is a negotiated truce. With Mr Duterte due to be sworn in on June 30, it is unlikely that any CPP members would be part of the Duterte administration for now.

    It, however, strengthens the hand of CPP leaders who are more inclined towards peaceful negotiations over armed rebellion.

    The rapprochement has, however, been rejected by some members of the Filipino military and political establishment.

    Former navy officer and coup plotter Senator Antonio Trillanes, and former police intelligence chief Rodolfo Mendoza have both discussed the possibility of a coup if Mr Duterte proceeds with his plans to bring the communists into his administration.

    BANGSAMORO

    The Muslims in Southern Philippines (Bangsamoro or Moro nation) have resisted Spanish and American colonisation for 300 years. Since independence, that resistance is focused on the Philippine state.

    At stake is the autonomy of Mindanao and its surrounding islands.

    In 1989, an Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao was created as part of the peace agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF).

    As mayor of Mindanao’s largest city and with family members from among the Bangsamoro, Mr Duterte’s candidacy was strongly supported by the Bangsamoro groups.

    His backing for the enactment of the Halal Ordinance in Davao City, which facilitates and regulates halal food compliance, and his support for the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) have won him favours in the restive region.

    The basic law would have resulted in the creation of a Bangsamoro Autonomous Region, granting greater autonomy for the region and a demilitarisation of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).

    There are, however, other complications.

    Mr Duterte’s running mate, Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, is opposed to the basic law, saying it would lead to civil war and strengthen the MILF.

    The weakening MNLF has thus far rejected the basic law while the MILF has declared that its demilitarisation is conditional on the BBL being passed into law.

    Mr Duterte now appears to have moved away from his support for the basic law and is pushing for federalism of the Philippines. While federalism would potentially grant local autonomy to the Mindanao (among others), they would remain as just another region within the Philippine state.

    Still, the Bangsamoro appear to be hopeful of Mr Duterte’s next moves. Having worked closely with him over the years, there is optimism that he will be an honest broker and help initiate peaceful settlements.

    NAVIGATING INTERESTS

    While Mr Duterte appears to have the force of personality and longstanding relationships with leaders of the CPP and the Bangsamoro, he still needs to navigate a political system that has failed to find a solution.

    Sections of the military that have spent decades fighting the CPP and MILF appear to reject any settlement with the two groups.

    The failed negotiations over the years have also created a distrustful environment among political elites on each side.

    His challenge is not merely to negotiate a workable agreement but to convince every party to let go of the legacies of conflict and distrust. At the same time, he needs to assure the elements within the military and political elites and the rebel groups that they will remain relevant and influential.

    While his extending the olive branch to the CPP and MILF is a positive start, Mr Duterte still needs to convince his administration that lasting peace is the best hope for the country. And hope that the CPP and MILF keep to their end of the deal.


    • The writer is a final-year PhD candidate at La Trobe University, Australia (International Relations). He researches International Institutionalism with a focus on Asean.

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com

  • Malays Are Underrepresented In Elite JCs

    Malays Are Underrepresented In Elite JCs

    Females and non-Malays are likelier to enrol in elite junior colleges (JCs), particularly those located in wealthy neighbourhoods, a study by two Singaporean researchers has found.

    Analysing data from more than 5,000 classrooms in six JCs over 40 years — from 1971 to 2010 — National University of Singapore (NUS) sociologist Vincent Chua and University of Melbourne economist Swee Eik Leong discovered persistent gender and ethnic disparities in the profiles of students who enrol into elite JCs located in neighbourhoods that have become wealthier.

    Over time, the representation of females in elite JCs increased, while that of Malays decreased. Malays were less well-represented in elite JCs than in non-elite ones, with the gap being largest in the wealthiest neighbourhood, the data showed.

    The three elite JCs (National, Anderson and Temasek) and three non-elite JCs (Catholic, Nanyang and Tampines) covered were located in neighbourhoods of high, medium and low wealth, measured by their share of landed property.

    “Overall, we find that females are more likely to enter elite schools located in wealthy neighbourhoods because these neighbourhoods tend to be more centrally located,” the researchers stated in the study, which was presented on Friday (May 27) at an international sociological conference hosted by the Centre for Family and Population Research at NUS.

    “We also find that minority Malays are less likely to enrol in elite schools located in wealthy neighbourhoods because these neighbourhoods lack the ethnic solidarity among minorities that less wealthy neighbourhoods have,” they added.

    It was the multiplication of school and neighbourhood characteristics that produced segregated patterns of enrolment, the researchers argued in the study, which is being reviewed by a journal. “Therefore the argument in popular discourse — that education is a social leveller — is not supported by these data; instead, it illustrates that education can facilitate growing inequalities,” they wrote.

    School performance indicators compiled by the Ministry of Education were used to distinguish elite schools from the non-elite ones. The study used data from the JCs’ yearbooks (documenting each school from its first graduating cohort), national censuses and statistical yearbooks.

    The study controlled for the observation that schools with more arts classes tend to have more females and schools that offer more classes in a language medium tend to draw particular ethnic groups, Dr Chua said. It also controlled for gender and race over-representations at the neighbourhood level, as well as permanent differences among JCs such as the grade requirements that affect the enrolment of gender and ethnic groups.

    Dr Chua said: “So having controlled for all of these (variables), we still find a strong neighbourhood effect. Indeed, the elite characteristic of schools interacts with neighbourhood wealth to reinforce certain patterns of educational inequality between gender and ethnic groups.”

    The study suggests that the location of the JCs mattered. “We emphasise that social and spatial characteristics work in combination to shape and influence inequality outcomes. It’s not a case of one or the other, it’s a combination,” he said.

    Both researchers said that the study exploited the unique setting of Singapore’s pre-university system, where public elite and non-elite schools are spatially well-distributed across neighbourhoods here.

    The findings suggest that policymakers could adopt a “cross-cutting” strategy by locating elite schools in less wealthy neighbourhoods and vice versa, he added.

    The research began in 2012, so it covered schools up until 2010. Dr Chua said that there could be changes due to policy shifts in education since 2010.

    All neighbourhoods here are well-resourced but inequalities exist, and the Government’s initiatives to help disadvantaged families could also help narrow ethnic inequalities, he added.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

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