Tag: Female

  • Women Taking On Lead Roles In Male-Dominated Professions

    Women Taking On Lead Roles In Male-Dominated Professions

    Women make up about 45 per cent of the Republic’s workforce, and are increasingly taking on leading roles in traditionally male dominated professions.

    Channel NewsAsia spoke to two women public officers who are leaders in their field.

    GENDER NOT AN ISSUE WHEN FIGHTING FIRES: MAJOR ELLENA QUEK

    Ms Ellena Quek used to head Jurong Fire Station which is home to about 140 officers. The 32-year-old was the third female officer to command a fire station in Singapore. She is now posted to the Ministry of Home Affairs.

    The Major who joined the Singapore Civil Defence Force (SCDF) in 2005 said her gender was never an issue when it came to fighting fires.

    “I think at the fire site or the incident site, a lot of the stereotypes that we have don’t matter anymore, because the fire doesn’t care whether you are male or female or whatever qualifications you have,” Major Quek said.

    Major Quek and her fellow woman officers make up 14 per cent of the SCDF’s uniformed and civilian personnel.

    The SCDF said it started recruiting female officers as early as the 1980s. In the early years, female officers were only trained in administrative work. But the SCDF said more female officers have taken on higher appointments such as Fire Station Commander, Division Commander or Director of a Staff Department.

    Major Quek said female officers bring with them a different dynamic.

    “Female officers have an advantage, in relationship-building and also in our sensitivity to situations, especially when there’s trauma involved. A lot of the things that we see on a daily basis – they are not what you would see outside in your everyday life,” she said.

    “I HAVE TO BRACE MYSELF TO LOOK CONFIDENT”: SUPERINTENDENT JEAN CHIANG

    Superintendent Jean Chiang – who works for the Singapore Prison Service (SPS) – shares her sentiments. She is the second-in-command of a pre-release centre for offenders.

    Superintendent Chiang has steadily climbed up the ranks, behind the iron bars and cold concrete walls.

    “I must share that it is a challenge to be in front of male inmates, who are tall, big, burly. Many of them have tattoos, and I have to stand in front of hundreds of them, to address them in big groups at times. So definitely, that was something new to me and something that I have to brace myself for to stand up in front of them and to look confident and authoritative,” she revealed.

    The SPS said it is seeing more women applying to join the service through the years. Just like Superintendent Chiang, many of them have become leaders in their fields.

    “The basic principle of why SPS deploys women officers in the first place is that the organisation recognises us as competent, capable and thus, we do not want to portray ourselves as the weaker sex but rather fully competent and capable in managing male inmates as well,” she said.

    To ensure the safety of its women officers, there are strict guidelines on the roles of female staff, particularly in male institutions. For example, women officers do not enter the toilet or bathing facilities of inmates, when they are in use.

    They also do not manage high-risk inmates like sexual offenders and those who are violent. They must also be accompanied by male officers in areas where inmates congregate.

    Why are women taking on these jobs despite the obvious challenges?

    Superintendent Chiang said: “When we see that that we are able to help them achieve some things, we see that we are able to motivate them to change. I think that is very, very satisfying.”

    Major Quek noted: “Really, gender doesn’t matter. It is how you prove yourself and what you do that matters.”

    As these women prove – that is what matters most when it comes to serving Singapore.

     

    Source: www.channelnewsasia.com

  • Childcare Teacher Sentenced To 3-Weeks Jail

    Childcare Teacher Sentenced To 3-Weeks Jail

    The childcare centre teacher who was filmed grabbing a two-year-old boy then dropping him onto the floor last July was jailed three weeks on Thursday (Nov 27).

    Siti Hadijah Mohamed Sin, 52, who was a teacher with My First Skool childcare centre, at Block 192, Toa Payoh Lorong 4, had heaved the boy backward onto the floor twice, causing him to suffer a fractured leg.

    About 20 of her family members turned up in court and gave her a teary send-off.

     

    Source: www.tnp.sg

  • Female Police Recruits In Indonesia Made To Go Through Virginity Tests

    Female Police Recruits In Indonesia Made To Go Through Virginity Tests

    Indonesia must stop subjecting female police recruits to physical tests in an effort to determine whether they are virgins, a leading human rights group said today (Nov 18), describing the practice as degrading and discriminatory.

    Human Rights Watch said in a report that such tests were a longstanding practice in Indonesia, where patriarchal attitudes and practices in the security forces are common.

    The report was based on interviews with female police officers and police applicants in six Indonesian cities who had undergone the so called “two-finger” test to determine whether their hymens are intact.

    The requirement is even posted on the jobs website for Indonesia’s national police. It reads: “In addition to the medical and physical tests, women who want to be policewomen must also undergo virginity tests. So all women who want to become policewomen should keep their virginity.”

    Citing medical experts, Human Rights Watch said the physical tests are useless in determining virginity.

    Indonesian police spokesman Major-General Ronny Sompie urged people not “respond negatively” to the tests, saying they were aimed at ensuring applicants were free from sexually transmitted diseases. He said both male and female recruits also get blood tests for STDs.

    “All of this is done in a professional manner and did not harm the applicants,” Maj-Gen Sompie said.

    Human Rights Watch has documented the use of abusive virginity tests by police in several other countries, including Egypt, India and Afghanistan.

    In a video interview recorded by the group, a 24-year-old Indonesian woman said she was among 20 applicants who underwent the test.

    “I feared that after they performed the test I would not be a virgin anymore,” she told the group in a silhouetted video interview. “They inserted two fingers with gels … it really hurt.”

    Source: www.allsingaporestuff.com

  • American Hijab: Donning The Hijab As a Socio-Political Statement Rather Than A symbol of Religiosity

    American Hijab: Donning The Hijab As a Socio-Political Statement Rather Than A symbol of Religiosity

    I remember donning the hijab for the first time three years ago. I say it was the first time, but really it was one of many times that I had slipped it on, standing in front of the mirror and adjusting the folds of fabric around my face. Yet this time was different. Rather than take it off after prayer or a visit to the local masjid (mosque), I was hoping to wear it regularly.

    It was sometime in winter during my freshman year of college at Northwestern, and I had spent my first three months of college searching for my place among thousands of students. Like any freshmen, I had several identifying factors that felt true, things that I felt could not go unmentioned as I sought out the people who would become my closest friends. These included everything from my taste in books and music to my leftist political stance, but also my religion.

    As a Muslim growing up in a post 9/11 world, I was accustomed to misconceptions about my religion, my race, and my identity. I was acutely aware of the way I navigated the world as a brown body, and how experiences of hate and injustice only magnified themselves when my mother (wearing hijab) or my sister (darker with characteristic African hair) accompanied me places. My body, in spite of its brown shade, was still in the liminal world of racial ambiguity, a place where I could pass into whiteness when it seemed convenient. There were few markers of my race and my religion. In spite of this, however, I had often felt that my religion was not something to be shed or stifled and hidden for the sake of others, for the sake of their comfort. I did not shy away from my heritage, my deeply Egyptian roots, the pride I felt for Africa and Arabia and Islam. They were the places that made me a blank-American, someone different.

    That day in winter, as a lonely and homesick freshman, I remembered that being different was far from wanting or choosing to be different. That, in fact, I was not in control of my narrative so long as I still sought the acceptance of those who might never want to understand me. My desire to wear hijab increased in that moment. Hijab became a symbol of my rejection of white-passing (or at the very least racial ambiguity), a privilege I was distinctly aware I had, and that I knew was not afforded to many of my fellow non-white Americans.

    While hijab has historically had a reputation of being a number of things to “the West,” rebellion has rarely been one of them. Certainly among many Muslims and in many Muslim nations it is often considered a sign of piety, or at the very least culture and respect. Yet rebellion, or perhaps a better word is resistance, is one of the many reasons many Muslims wear hijab.

    In fact, in the 1970s and ’80s, after a period of secularism, many Muslim majority countries were undergoing an Islamic revival, where the society (not the political regimes) responded to its conditions by adopting religion again. It was a reversal of the Westernisation approach, undermining the belief of my grandparents’ generation that the West was strengthening Muslim nations. My mother describes choosing the hijab in college during the ’80s, a little after this revival. Her parents, the previous generation, rejected her decision; theirs was an era where few women wore hijab, where much of the traditional clothing was left behind in favor of western attire, where alcohol was widely accepted rather than forbidden.

    Many American Muslims wear hijab much like the women of the Islamic revival, as a response to the changing times and a rejection of Western influence. While it seems counter-intuitive to wear hijab in a world that increasingly has a negative perception of Muslims, particularly when the consensus among many American Muslims is that one can be religious with our without it, there is a significant presence of American Muslim women wearing the hijab as a strong sense of identity. As one of these women, I know and have insight to a representation of hijab that is rarely portrayed — a representation that I call the American hijab, the antithesis and retaliation to whiteness and the American media, and a nod of solidarity to other people of color.

    In this sense, hijab, rather than strictly being a religious decision, is also a sociopolitical choice and representation. In spite of, or rather in response to, the negative portrayal of Muslims by those (Muslims and non-Muslims) who seek to define our narrative as one of barbaric killing and atrocity, women choose hijab — a piece of cloth that declares their identity as Muslims while simultaneously expressing their individual identity as smart, driven, successful, and independent. A simple yet powerful message. A way in which Muslim women can reclaim their narrative.

    In choosing to wear the hijab, American Muslim women reconstruct the narrative of Islam in America. More importantly, they define American Islam and celebrate its rich cultural treasures: Islamic songs by Cat Stevens after his conversion, legendary icons like Malcolm X, Muhammad Ali and Kareem Abdul Jabbar, a deep sense of community that transcends immigrant heritage to become a new national heritage of its own, a style of hijab and clothing developed to bring together Islamic tradition from across the globe.

    This American Islam has blossomed in many forms: the Mipsters (Muslim hipsters), Muppies (Muslim Urban Professionals), IMAN (Inner-city Muslim Action Network), and many more coalitions of young Muslim Americans who bring together their cross-cultural heritage — their America and their Islam — and share it with the world on a daily basis, through creative productions, concerts, health clinics and activist movements. While each coalition and organization has its own goals, they share a young, vibrant population of men and women alike with a common religious ideology, but also a sociopolitical identity.

    In the same vein, American Muslim women have created communities for hijabi fashion. With blogs, magazines, a strong social media presence, conferences, and more, these women are the epitome of the American hijab as an intricate sociopolitical identity. Instagram is littered with photos of stylish, smart women redefining the traditional garment, following the lead of women like international popstar Yuna. In their defiance of social convention, American Muslim women wearing hijab have paved the way for others and developed a sense of social consciousness and social justice among themselves.

    While this story of resistance may seem new, it is not unique to Muslim women. It is a story that rings true for many individuals of color, whether it manifests itself as choosing to don an afro or to participate in the traditions of our non-American ancestors. It is the story of rejecting social pressure, of rejecting the influence of western media and the western world, and of choosing to openly and clearly declare our difference in a society that readily rejects us as part of its narrative.

    The choice is embracing that difference and declaring it before anyone else can. This often means representing entire worlds, but it also means liberation from the pressures that society imposes with respect to beauty, identity, race, and culture. At the end of the day when I have fears about continuing to represent my faith without trepidation, I remember that I wear my hijab for the empowerment it grants me in declaring where I stand in a world that — more often than not — is in opposition to all that I am.

    I remind myself of the power and privilege of having the choice to decide whether I am explicitly seen or unseen for my difference, and for the ability to pass. While hijab is important to me as both a religious and sociopolitical statement, it is not my skin. At the end of the day, it is a piece of fabric that can be shed. Yet it is my way of acknowledging the unique responsibility and burden that people of color share with respect to teaching others about their identities. To my brothers and sisters of color out there: solidarity

    The story first appeared on xoJane.com

    Source: http://time.com

  • The Rise Of A Female Minister In Indonesia: Puan Maharani

    The Rise Of A Female Minister In Indonesia: Puan Maharani

    OVER the past week, Indonesia’s new Coordinating Minister for Human Development and Culture Puan Maharani has led meetings on the rollout of new nationwide health and education assistance cards, gone brisk-walking with ministry staff, and dropped in on the glitzy Jakarta Fashion Week.

    It is all part of her job overseeing eight ministries, including religion, health, social affairs, education, and youth and sports.

    But news of her appointment two weeks ago surprised some, who questioned her experience, or lack thereof, to take on the post.

    It did not help that photos were making the rounds of Ms Puan riding in a golf buggy from one end of the presidential palace compound to the other for the first Cabinet meeting while all the other ministers walked.

    But make no mistake: The 41-year-old lives up to her name – Puan Maharani translates as Madam Empress. Not only that, she is also the next-generation torchbearer of the most prominent family in Indonesian politics.

    The granddaughter of founding president Sukarno is the youngest child and only daughter of former president Megawati Sukarnoputri, who heads the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P).

    Ms Puan reportedly wanted to be President Joko Widodo’s vice- presidential running mate, but surveys suggested his ratings would suffer if they teamed up.

    Although she lacks experience in governance and is the youngest minister in Mr Joko’s Cabinet, she is not a new face in politics.

    “We know Ms Puan is a female politician steeped in experience who has proven herself as a commander in the 2014 election and who has experience in social activities, especially for the small people,” Mr Joko said when announcing his ministerial slate.

    Political analyst Achmad Sukarsono of The Habibie Centre think-tank told The Straits Times: “She has something nobody has – the Sukarno bloodline, and the connection to the leader of the biggest party in Indonesia.”

    He sees her ministerial appointment as a necessity for Mr Joko’s political survival.

    But Ms Puan’s rise in stature also comes amid an ongoing debate among party loyalists over whether a person needs to be a direct descendant of Sukarno, or best shares his values, to lead them.

    Ms Puan was 14 when her mother first became an MP for the then PDI in 1987 and witnessed at close quarters then president Suharto’s efforts to orchestrate a party coup and unseat Ms Megawati from the post as her popularity grew.

    Ms Puan, a communication studies graduate from the University of Indonesia, was also a witness to how the party her mother led won 33 per cent of the vote in the 1999 general election after Mr Suharto’s downfall, and how backroom dealing saw Ibu Mega, as Ms Megawati is widely called, relegated to vice-president.

    But Ms Megawati got the top job two years later after her predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid was impeached in the wake of graft scandals and incompetence at the helm. Ms Puan became a close aide, accompanying her mother on trips around the country, including disbursing assistance to disaster victims.

    Ms Puan has two older brothers from Ms Megawati’s first husband, who died in a plane crash. They have largely focused on business and stayed away from the public eye.

    She is likewise guarded about her husband, oil and gas businessman Happy Hapsoro, and their two teenage children.

    But she told women’s magazine Femina in a recent interview that it was the PDI-P’s sliding result at the 2004 general election and her mother’s loss in the first direct presidential election that sparked her formal entry into politics.

    “How could we lose when, at the previous election, we got 33 per cent?” she recalls asking her father.

    “Papa would only say, if you want those answers… it means it’s time you enter politics.”

    Her late father Taufik Kiemas, a businessman and former student leader widely seen as the lead politician in the family, had of course nudged his daughter and only child early on.

    Ms Puan recalled how she initially regretted being “compelled” to attend numerous meetings he had with important people she did not really know.

    “I used to say I didn’t know what to say. But he said: ‘There’s no need to speak, what’s important is that you listen’… Now he’s gone, I realise why he kept inviting me along,” she told Femina.

    “By being there, I got to know them, and know what Papa would discuss with them. Not only that, I got to understand the attitudes and positions they had on issues. To me, this is crucial in the political world.”

    In 2007, Ms Puan took the plunge, heading the PDI-P’s women’s section and then standing for election in 2009.

    She won 242,504 votes – the second-highest number nationwide – losing to the younger son of then president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who had 327,097.

    Ms Puan later took on a greater role in party matters, heading its political section and then heading the party’s MPs in Parliament from 2011. She also led the party’s efforts to help PDI-P MP Ganjar Pranowo win the central Java gubernatorial election last year.

    Reports based on her last publicised wealth declaration put her assets at more than 34 billion rupiah (S$3.7 million), including land and three Harley-Davidson motorcycles.

    She was also named head of the party’s general election team. But some were disappointed that she did not manage to secure a solid result for PDI-P for, while it was the top party with 19 per cent of the votes, this was well below the 27 per cent target.

    Mr Joko denied widespread speculation of an internal rift in the wake of the election result, telling reporters a few days after the April 9 vote, in what some read as a veiled allusion to her shopping trips: “After the election, Ms Puan left for Hong Kong. I haven’t seen her since then.”

    After the July 9 presidential election, she was tipped to become parliamentary Speaker, but the PDI-P-led coalition failed to secure majority support from other parties to get her the job.

    Still, now that she is a key minister, several PDI-P leaders have tipped her for greater things.

    Said Mr Trimedya Panjaitan: “She needs to prepare herself to be vice-president in 2019.”

    That is not a given, of course. How Ms Puan performs in her current job will determine whether she can make the cut.

    [email protected]

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com