Tag: Lee Kuan Yew

  • Lee Wei Ling: Contempt Of Court Bill Is Unfair And An Attempt To Silence Public

    Lee Wei Ling: Contempt Of Court Bill Is Unfair And An Attempt To Silence Public

    I just read CNA. The report seems to imply that I retract my entire first post of today. I only retract the part related to the comment on Mr. Tang Wee Sung. Mr. Shanmugam has informed me that even after the new law has been passed, it is not illegal to criticize a judgement or the AGC after the judgement has been delivered. Much of the proposed bill is ambiguous to a person not trained in legal matters.

    As per my current understanding, I stand by the rest of the statements I posted. The bill which will be passed in parliament tomorrow gives the government the right to comment whilst denying that to people. This is inconsistent with equality before the law and is an attempt to muzzle public opinion

    In Straits Times on 12/8/2016, it was reported that the contempt of court laws are set to be entered into the statutes.

    Minister Shanmugam stated that
    1) It gives the public a better sense of what action can unduly influence court proceedings, known as sub judice. Ironically, Sub Judice rules were set up for situation where there is laymen jury who may be naïve enough to be misled by rumours or lead by emotion rather than logic as in religious or racial issues. It was this weakness of having a jury swayed by ignorance or emotions that lead our founding PM Lee Kuan Yew, to do away with Juries in Singapore courts. If your judges are so vulnerable, then the cabinet is at fault for its choice of candidates proposed to be promoted to be judges.

    2) It provides a framework for contempt of court punishments. The maximum penalty is a fine up to $20,000 and/or jail term up to 12 months. This is very serious penalties for someone who may just want to speak out against an unfair judge and/or an unfair government. When I wrote in ST against the then penalty for Mr Tang Wee Sung, whilst I wrote out of my pity for Mr. Tang and the sense of how brutally unfair the penalty suggested by our Attorney General’s Chambers was, the letter published in Straits Time was worded with the help of Mr Shanmugam and his partner at Allen and Gledhill, Mr Lucian Wong. I would have written even if neither senior lawyers supported me, but the wording of my letter would have been very amateurish. Now being on the side of the government, Minister Shanmugam seems to see justice only from the point of view of the government and the AGC always being right.
    In fact, it is bizarre for me after what Mr. Wong and Mr. Shanmugam encouraged and supported me to do then, that Mr. Shanmugam now wants to demolish a tiny trail leading to some degree of justice for someone whom the government considers a nuisance.

    3) It provides a framework for contempt of court punishment and sets a limit on fines and prison sentences which as seen from above can be very serious.

    This has led to widespread concern amongst Singaporeans who understand the implications of this proposed law and one need only search the internet to find multiple posts stating why this bill will gag public debate on issues that are important to Singaporeans. I will not repeat what has been clearly stated in petition against this bill which was published Straits Times on 12/8/2016.

    Rather, I am amazed that there has not been more vocal protest by more Singaporeans. A phenomenon I observed this morning may provide the answer. I woke up and stepped out of my air-conditioned bedroom and immediately smelled smoked. I asked my two maids who sleep in bedrooms with their windows open whether they smelt anything smoke and they did not. I called a friend who also sleeps in air-conditioned bedroom and he too smelt smoke as he stepped out of his bedroom. Smell is a sensation that we quickly get used to and then no longer notice it if it lingers for less than an hour. Perhaps, Singaporeans have gotten used to an authoritarian government who until recently had always acted for their wellbeing, and so when another new action is taken, they do not even bother to think whether it may be against their welfare. This current government is not like previous PAP governments. I urged all Singaporeans, and all MPs and NMPs to think through what has been proposed, and also read the many commentaries on the internet.

     

    Source: Lee Wei Ling

  • Dr Chee Belum Sedia Undur Diri Dari Politik

    Dr Chee Belum Sedia Undur Diri Dari Politik

    Calon SDP yang juga Setiausaha Agung parti itu, Dr Chee Soon Juan bergiat aktif dalam politik hampir suku abad lamanya.

    Pencalonannya dalam pilihan raya kecil Bukit Batok menandakan kali kelima Dr Chee bertanding untuk memasuki parlimen.

    Sekitar 25 tahun selepas bertanding di Marine Parade – Dr Chee Soon Juan menjadi tokoh terkenal tetapi berkontroversi dalam arena politik Singapura.

    Dr Chee menyertai SDP pada 1992 dan diperkenalkan pengasas parti Chiam See Tong sebagai calon pilihan bagi pilihan raya kecil di Marine Parade.

    PAP bagaimanapun memenangi pilihan raya tersebut dengan 73 peratus undi.

    KERJAYA POLITIK DIPENUHI KONTROVERSI

    Pada 1997, Dr Chee mengambil alih kepimpinan parti kira-kira setahun selepas Encik Chiam meninggalkan parti menyusuli pertikaian dengan Dr Chee dan para anggota SDP yang lain.

    Ada laporan menyatakan Dr Chee menyingkirkan Encik Chiam tetapi itu dinafikan Dr Chee.

    Pada 1997 dan 2001, SDP kalah di MacPherson dan Jurong. Kerjaya politik Dr Chee dipenuhi kontroversi. Dr Chee dipecat dari Universiti Nasional Singapura pada 1993 kerana dituduh menyalahgunakan dana kajian. Tetapi Dr Chee menafikan tuduhan tersebut.

    Dr Chee pernah mengadakan beberapa bantahan awam. Dia juga pernah disaman di mahkamah oleh mendiang Encik Lee Kuan Yew dan Encik Goh Chok Tong berhubung beberapa kenyataan yang dibuat dalam kempen pilihan raya 2001.

    Dr Chee kemudian diisytiharkan muflis selepas gagal membayar ganti rugi.

    Akibatnya Dr Chee tidak layak bertanding dalam dua pilihan raya pada 2006 dan 2011.

    2012 RASMI BEBAS DARI MUFLIS

    Pada 2012, Dr Chee secara rasmi dibebaskan dari muflis dan ini membolehkannya bertanding dalam pilihan raya.

    Tahun lalu, Dr Chee bertanding dalam Pilihan Raya Umum di GRC Holland-Bukit Timah. Dr Chee dan pasukannya bagaimanapun tewas di GRC Holland-Bukit Timah dengan meraih hanya 33 peratus undi.

    Kekalahan demi kekalahan itu nampaknya tidak mengekang Dr Chee daripada terus bertanding.

    “Kami menerimanya, orang ramai membuat keputusan dan hanya yang dapat kita lakukan adalah melihat ke hadapan,” ujar beliau. Nampaknya, Dr Chee tidak mungkin meninggalkan politik dengan segera.

    Source: Berita MediaCorp

  • Former Utusan Malaysia Editor & ISA Detainee, Said Zahari, Passes Away

    Former Utusan Malaysia Editor & ISA Detainee, Said Zahari, Passes Away

    Former Utusan Malaysia editor and media icon Said Zahari passed away this afternoon.

    His son Norman, posted about his passing on Facebook.

    Innalillah, my father Said Zahari had passed away at 12.30 in the afternoon,” Norman said.

    Former Information Minister Zainudin Maidin, who worked with Said at Utusan Melayu (before its name was changed to Utusan Malaysia), said his former colleague was a brave and determined nationalist.

    “We have known each other since Said hired me as a ‘stringer’ in 1958 for the Alor Setar office,” Zainudin fondly remembered.

    According to Zainudin, among the accomplishments Said managed during his lifetime was his leadership of the 1961 strike movement against Umno taking over Utusan Melayu.

    “He was also involved in the pro-Indonesia left-wing nationalist movement during the Confrontation,” Zainudin added.

    Said, 88, a former journalist, was detained for 17 years under the Internal Security Act (ISA) in Singapore during Lee Kuan Yew’s reign as prime minister.

    Said may had been a Singaporean citizen, but then prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad granted him permanent residency in Malaysia – a move Zainudin fervently supported.

    “He upheld the legacy of Utusan Melayu icons like Tan Sri Abdul Samad Ismail, Usman Awang and Samani Mohd Amin as journalists with integrity,” Zainudin said.

    The plethora of books written by Said continues to be published by Utusan Publication and Distributors today.

     

    Source: www.malaysiakini,com

  • SDP: MOE Textbooks Are More Biased And Partisan

    SDP: MOE Textbooks Are More Biased And Partisan

    The SDP had written to the Ministry of Education (MOE) for permission to conduct talks to students in schools. The MOE turned down the request saying that “schools are neutral places for learning and not platforms for partisan politics”.

    The MOE also stated that the history textbook cited by the SDP as being partisan towards the PAP is not an MOE-approved textbook.

    That being the case, the SDP will cite textbooks that are indisputably published by the MOE and used in our secondary schools in history and social studies classes. They are written by the Curriculum Planning & Development Division of the MOE:

    1. Singapore: The Making Of A Nation-State, 1300-1975
    2. Singapore: From Settlement To Nation Pre-1819 to 1971
    3. Upper Secondary Social Studies 3 (2nd edition)

    The truth of the matter is that the content in these textbooks is even more biased and partisan than the one that the Ministry says is not an MOE-approved book. There is a pattern of using of opinion as facts in the MOE textbooks, especially the social studies one. This is often done to the exclusion of contrary views – and even contradictory evidence. In other words, our children are told what to think rather than how to critically evaluate what they read.

    Even when attempts are made at presenting two sides of an issue, students are often asked loaded and leading questions that shepherd their answers towards the desired ends. Partisan references to the PAP leave no doubt that the textbooks are meant to promote the values and thinking of the ruling party.

    This is a tragic outcome for Singapore’s future as we mould an entire generation of citizens crippled in their analytical ability and unable to think independently outside the PAP worldview.

    For brevity, we highlight just 10 examples of the partisan nature of the textbooks:

    Example 1: Lim Chin Siong

    One of the history books paints Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan as violent troublemakers:

    “The Communists had control of two powerful trade unions, namely Singapore Factory and Shop Workers’ Union (SFSWU) and Singapore Bus Workers’ Union (SBWU). These unions were led by Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan.

    On the same day (24 October 1956), the pro-communist leader, Lim Chin Siong had organised a workers’ meeting a short distance away from the Chinese High School. When the meeting ended, some of the workers joined the students in creating disorder.

    The riots came to an end when the police arrested almost all the union leaders, including Lim Chin Siong and Fong Swee Suan. During the riots, 13 people died and more than 100 were injured.”

    It has emerged from declassified documents by the British government that it was Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock who “had provoked the riots and this had enabled the detention of Lim Chin Siong.” Documents also “show these were the tactics of provocation that were employed in the 1956 riots that led to Lim Chin Siong’s arrest.”

    Shouldn’t our students be given this information and encouraged to do more reading and research before forming their conclusions? We need to stop the practice of glorifying the PAP and demonising its opponents in our schools.

    Example 2: Photos and illustrations

    The texts carry these illustrations:

     

     

     

     

    In the section ‘What Is The Role Of The People?’, students are told that the people “have the power and responsibility to choose the right leaders for Singapore”. Accompanying the text is a photograph of PAP MP Mr Christopher de Souza.

     In depicting how the PAP had split in 1962, the book labelled the faction led by Lim Chin Siong as “radicals” versus that of Lee Kuan Yew’s “moderates”. The “radicals” then went on to form the Barisan Sosialis.
    Example 3: Principles of governance

    In the chapter on governance, the book asked “What Are The Guiding Principles Of Governance?” It proceeds to cite the four areas that Lee Hsien Loong enumerated in his 2004 National Day Rally speech:

    • Leadership is key
    • Anticipate change and stay relevant
    • Reward for work and work for reward
    • A stake for everyone and opportunities for all
    Under ‘Leader is key’ the book states:

    “Honest and capable leaders are needed to maintain stability in the government and to make the right decisions for the country. These leaders must have moral courage and integrity to do what is right and not what is popular with the people. What would happen to Singapore if the leaders only make decisions that are popular with the people?

    The government has realised that good leadership and good government do not occur by chance. Potential leaders are specially selected and groomed. Besides talent and ability, leaders are also selected based on their good character.”

    The paragraphs seem more suited for the Petir, the PAP’s party organ, than a school textbook. Worse, there was no attempt to help students evaluate the statement. Given that the PAP has produced Ministers and MPs like Phey Yew Kok, Tan Kia Gan, Wee Toon Boon, Teh Cheang Wan, Choo Wee Kiang, and Michael Palmer, is the text accurate and valid? Why are students presented only one side of the story?

    Example 4: Representative democracy

    On the subject of governance, the text says: “Singapore practices representative democracy.” But this is only half the story. For a democracy to function meaningfully and effectively, there must also be a free media and a free and fair electoral process. The people must also enjoy fundamental freedoms of speech, association and assembly. All these are not practised in Singapore. Given such a circumstance, can Singapore still be considered a democracy, much less a representative one?

    This subject is not addressed anywhere in the textbooks. The basic rights of citizens that are enshrined in our Constitution are not presented and the students are not invited to have a deeper discussion on what it means to be a citizen of this country other than on the PAP’s terms.

    Example 5: The Pledge

    And when the National Pledge is mentioned, the book asks students to:

    “Examine the phrase ‘one united people, regardless of race, language or religion’. What do you understand by this phrase? Why do you think there is a need to stress this idea in the national pledge? Share your opinion with a partner.”

    There seems to be an effort to steer students away from focusing on the part that calls on citizens “to build a democratic society, based on justice and equality”.

    Example 6: Healthcare

    in the chapter on healthcare, a section compares the pros and cons of Medisave and Medishield. At the end, however, a sidebar called Pause and Ponder asks the question: “Why is it important for the government to have support for new policies such as Medisave and Medishield?”

    Why is the question written in such a leading manner? Why are students constantly shepherded into supporting the PAP’s policies? Is there no room for a more open and meaningful discussion on the realities of healthcare affordability in Singapore?

    Example 7: Foreign talent/low birthrate

    As for the PAP’s Foreign Talent Policy, the Social Studies book says: “While Singapore waits for its pro-family measures to show some positive results, there is a need to enhance its competitiveness by bringing in talent from other countries.”

    What the book does not tell students is that the “pro-family measures” have thus far not been effective. Our population size has been shrinking all these years. Can’t the students discuss the effectiveness, or the lack thereof, of the PAP’s family policies?

    The book then instructs the student to “Look at Figure 2.37 for reasons why attracting foreign talent to Singapore is important.” The Figure reads,

    “Singapore faces stiff competition from other industrialising countries and being small, it is not possible to produce all required professionals locally. Thus, we must encourage foreign talent to come here so as to boost the quality of our manpower. Foreign talent can create more jobs and increase productivity.”

    Again, the text misses out crucial information. For example, Lee Kuan Yew says that without foreigners, we cannot attract investments and produce jobs. Should students not be asked how and why we have come to this stage? The book also omits to discuss related topics such as (a) New jobs created going to foreigners, (b) Our city’s infrastructure being unable to cope with the massive influx of foreigners, (c) The difficulty of foreigners integrating with locals, (d) The resultant rise in the cost of living and (e) The PAP’s definition of ‘talent’.

    Instead of stimulating and encouraging our students to analyse what they read, the MOE seems more interested to get students to accept the material as received wisdom and to memorise it for exams.

    Example 8: Media

    On the topic of managing race relations, one of the books relates the case of Maria Hertogh and the riots, writing that, “The events throughout the [Hertogh] court trial had much media coverage in the English, Malay and Tamil newspapers.”

    It shows pictures of overturned cars and houses on fire with the headline “Five dead, 100 hurt in riots”. The Pause and Ponder sidebar then asks: “Why is it important to have a newspaper that is not biased in the reporting of events?” – a clear allusion to the PAP’s justification of controlling the media in Singapore.

    The text does not teach students of the importance for dialogue and debate without resorting to violence no matter how much we may disagree with the other party’s views. In other words, it does not educate students. Rather, it conditions their minds and the inculcates in them the PAP’s partisan values.

    Example 9: Self-help groups

    The book extols the virtues of self-help groups like CDAC, SINDA, Mendaki and the Eurasian Association by quoting an excerpt from “a newspaper”:

    “The self-help groups’ biggest achievement has been in saving students from the under-achievement trap. Dropout rates have fallen, grades have improved and more students have gone on to continue post-secondary education.”

    The textbook does not provide information on how it arrives at the conclusion that self-help groups have achieved what the newspaper quote purports that they have achieved. It simply makes an assertion. Again, students are told what to think and not taught how to think.

    Example 10: People’s Association

    In discussing the role of grassroots organisations, the textbook cites the work of the People’s Association saying that it “creates common space through a wide range of programmes and activities”.

    It makes no mention of the controversy regarding the control of its activities by the PAP – even in wards that the party does not control. Such a topic may not reflect very well on the PAP but isn’t one of the purposes of education – especially in a social studies class – supposed to draw on themes such as equity and fair play for discussion?

     

     

    Source: http://yoursdp.org

  • Japan Confer Highest Award Posthumously To Lee Kuan Yew For Contribution To Bilateral Ties

    Japan Confer Highest Award Posthumously To Lee Kuan Yew For Contribution To Bilateral Ties

    The Republic’s founding Prime Minister, the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew, will be conferred one of Japan’s highest awards in recognition of his contributions towards ties between the two country.

    The conferment of the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Paulownia Flowers will be backdated to Mar 23 last year, the date of Mr Lee’s death.

    In reply to media queries on Wednesday (Feb 3), the Singapore Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) said they were “deeply honoured and appreciate the Japanese Government’s decision to confer the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Paulownia Flowers to the late first Prime Minister of Singapore Mr Lee Kuan Yew”.

    Established in 1888, the Order is usually conferred upon eminent statesmen, former prime ministers and senior cabinet ministers, diplomats and judges. It may be also be conferred posthumously, and is the highest regularly conferred honour in the Japanese honours system.

    The Order is in recognition of Mr Lee’s contributions “to the development of relations between Singapore and Japan over several decades”, said the MFA.

     

    Source: www.channelnewsasia.com