Tag: Singapore

  • Singapore’s Rulers Hope A Nudge To The Left Will Keep Voters Loyal

    Singapore’s Rulers Hope A Nudge To The Left Will Keep Voters Loyal

    At breakfast time one day last week, Singapore government minister K. Shanmugam dropped in to a bustling food court to greet voters, listen to their grumbles and urge them to back the People’s Action Party (PAP) in this Friday’s general election.

    There was a burst of applause from a table of tea-drinking men, old ladies looked up smilingly from bowls of noodle soup, and one of the sharpest complaints he heard was from a resident about pigeons roosting outside her house.

    A bedrock of support from communities like this guarantees that the PAP, which has ruled this city state since it won independence 50 years ago, will be returned to power this week.

    But Shanmugam, who is law and foreign minister, says the PAP can no longer take popular loyalty for granted: the party’s share of the vote dropped to 60.1 percent in the last election, in 2011, its lowest ever, and a swing of just a few thousand votes in some electoral districts this time could erode its overwhelming majority in the 89-seat parliament.

    To prevent that, the party has tweaked its policy playbook in ways that will shift the direction of a country whose meteoric rise from tropical backwater to haven of wealth was based on a no-nonsense model of growth at all costs.

    Under the iron-handed founding father of Singapore, the late Lee Kuan Yew, the idea of Western-style welfarism was scorned and people were mostly expected to stand on their own feet.

    NUDGE TO THE LEFT

    But years of galloping growth led to yawning wealth gaps and to resentment over an open door for foreign workers, overcrowded trains and expensive housing, forcing the PAP to respond with a nudge to the political left.

    “In the 80s, 90s to 2000s there was a lot of emphasis on the private sector,” Shanmugam said in an interview with Reuters. “From ’07 the rhetoric has shifted to a centre-left position.”

    Eugene Tan, a political analyst and associate professor at Singapore Management University, says this new strategy will have to stay as the PAP manages a more competitive political landscape and a population now less patient with paternalism and one-party rule.

    “The PAP will now have to deal with much stronger pressures for populist policies, such as higher taxes for a larger swathe of income-earners and nationalistic manpower policy as well as more social spending, which are very often the antithesis of the ruling party’s core policies for the past 50 years,” Tan said.

    Shanmugam rejects the idea that the PAP’s 2011 wobble triggered a reset of social policies and says Singapore was one of the world’s most welfarist countries way before then.

    But this year, the government has raised taxes on top earners to pay for a hefty increase in healthcare spending and a better safety net for the aged and low-paid workers, and just before calling the election Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced plans to make state housing more affordable.

    It has taken other steps since the last election that many see as rearguard action, such as cooling the property market – from which many have felt increasingly locked out – and stemming the tide of foreign workers.

    IMMIGRATION DILEMMA

    A nation of 5.5 million people with no natural resources, Singapore became a global hub for financial services and oil trading and a major electronics manufacturer thanks partly to a liberal immigration policy that provided plentiful cheap labour.

    Now, the government faces a backlash over immigrants who are blamed for taking jobs, fuelling inflation and depressing wages, but is in a bind because it needs them to underpin growth as the population greys and the workforce shrinks.

    Already it expects growth in coming years to be less than half the 8 percent average rate of Singapore’s first 50 years, and a tight labour market could make even that a challenge.

    Shanmugam accepts that making the argument for immigration is not going to be “an easy message” for voters.

    Immigration has been a hot topic among the overwhelmingly young people at raucous rallies of the opposition Workers Party which have been attended by tens of thousands.

    The PAP is hoping that a sense of patriotism inspired by this year’s golden jubilee and the death of Lee Kuan Yew in March will work in its favour on Friday. However, opinion polls are illegal and so no one is making confident predictions.

    Garry Rodan, a professor of politics and international studies at Australia’s Murdoch University, said the increased welfare and social redistribution since 2011 was necessary but had been too little for a major reversal of inequalities.

    “Singaporeans can reward these initial steps or ramp up the pressure on the government through their votes,” he said.

     

    Source: https://sg.news.yahoo.com

  • Walid J. Abdullah: This Is Politics

    Walid J. Abdullah: This Is Politics

    ‘This is Politics’:

    When a 19 year old says things that you agree with, ‘this kid is really wise beyond his years’.

    When a 19 year old questions your policies, ‘i was once young, idealistic and naive like you.’

    ——

    When you talk about race, it is called ‘minority representation’.

    When your opponent talks about race, it is called ‘communal politics’.

    ——

    When election is near, you mention on stage ‘I received an email from resident A, thanking me.’

    When it is not election time, never mind seeing your face, even emails are ignored.

    ——

    When your opponent raises an important issue, ‘oh we have raised this before’.

    When someone points out that you have not raised it before, ‘oh we raise it behind closed doors’.

    ——

    When your opponent makes a mistake, ‘you must commit harakiri’.

    When your colleague makes a mistake, ‘let us move on’.

    ——

    When your opponent offers money for Singaporeans, ‘this is pork-barrel politics’.

    When you offer multi-million projects – if and only if elected -, ‘it is only right that those who vote for us get these benefits’.

    ——

    When your opponent allegedly indulges in unacceptable behaviour, ‘this is a question of integrity!’

    When your own allegedly indulges in unacceptable behaviour, ‘the mistake was made in good faith’.

    ——

    When your opponents speak up a lot in ‘they didn’t speak enough’.

    When you speak up just once, ‘it was one too many’.

    —–

    When you speak rationally, ‘we need to have the GRCs to ensure minority representation’.

    When you are in la la land, ‘there are no minorities in Singapore: every Singaporean belongs to the majority.’

    —–

    When your opponent changes constituencies, ‘these people are nomads’.

    When son of punggol becomes son-in-law of AMK, son of Hougang is nowhere to be seen, son of Joo Chiat migrates to Punggol, and daughter of Jurong moves to Marsiling, ‘this is strategy’.

    —–

    When comparisons with other countries do not work in your favour, ‘Singapore is a city-state. We cannot compare with other countries. We are unique.’

    When comparisons seemingly work in your favour, ‘Heng ahhhhh!’

    Unfortunately, this is politics.

     

    Source: Walid J. Abdullah

  • Singapore’s Election May Hurt The PM But The Government Is Safe

    Singapore’s Election May Hurt The PM But The Government Is Safe

    As Singapore goes to the polls in a general election on 11 September 2015, the contending parties appear to be heading for a showdown over the timeframe by which the government should be judged. The government wants voters to judge it based on its record over 50 years or more; the opposition says it should be judged based on the last decade.

    The reason for the differing perspectives is not difficult to understand.

    Judging the government over 50 years leads to a narrative of success: how the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) government took Singapore from its starting point as a post-colonial city that had recently been expelled from Malaysia and turned it into a successful, modern capitalist city-state with one of the highest standards of living in Asia. This is the story of a stable, peaceful, harmonious, multiracial Singapore, where the people provide helpful feedback to the government through the government’s official outreach programs.

    But judging the government over 10 years leads to a narrative of failure: how the PAP opened the floodgates to more than a million foreign workers (on top of a population of less than four million Singaporeans); failed to lift a finger to upgrade infrastructure; failed to consider the social implications of 40 per cent of the resident population being non-Singaporean; and created a housing shortage. It is a government that cannot even make the trains run properly. A 10-year narrative is a story about the high cost of living, aloof cabinet ministers, arrogant civil servants and an insular, unaccountable government.

    In this battle of the narratives, the government has a strong head start. So far the opposition parties have barely been able to make their voices heard. Meanwhile, the PAP has spent the entire period since the death of founding father Lee Kuan Yew on 23 March ramping up the story of the Singapore government’s achievements over the last 50 years or more. The week-long mourning period after Lee’s death was very overtly a celebration of the government’s achievements over more than 50 years. And the litany of important foreign guests at Lee’s funeral was presented as a public acknowledgement of the high esteem in which Lee was held by world powers.

    This theatre proved to be a down payment on the August celebrations of Singapore’s 50th anniversary of independence — a government-funded extravaganza that dwarfed anything that the island had ever seen. This celebration concluded with the prime minister’s annual National Day Rally Speech a week later. Its focus on Singapore’s 50 years of achievement fitted the theme that had been building for the past five months, and it sounded just like an election pitch. Unsurprisingly, the election was called two days later.

    At first glance this account must read as if the PAP government holds all the cards, but this would be a misleading interpretation. Because everyone knows how strongly the deck is stacked against the opposition. Any slippage at all in government support is interpreted (correctly) as slap in the face for the PAP.

    This is exactly what happened in the 2011 general election, when the elected opposition presence in parliament increased from two seats to six (out of a total of 89) and the PAP vote slipped to a record low of 60 per cent. This result was compounded by more government defeats and near-defeats in another three electoral contests held since the 2011 election, meaning that the stakes for the government are now even higher.

    Support for the government is sitting at such a low level and the string of government defeats and near-defeats has been so consistent that anything less than improving the government’s vote and share of seats will be considered a defeat for the prime minister.

    A bad result is not going to disempower the government, but it does have the potential to disempower Lee Hsien Loong within cabinet. Lee has every reason to be confident that he will be able to step down from the post at a time of his own choosing, whether next year or in 10 years’ time, since the imperatives within Singapore’s political culture mean that it is vital to maintain the appearance of stability. Yet he also knows that if this election goes badly for him, he risks losing authority within cabinet and being a ‘lame duck’ prime minister for the rest of his term, however long that might be.

    There are strong precedents for both of these assumptions — and Lee helped set them while he was deputy prime minister to then prime minister Goh Chok Tong. As I detailed in my 2014 book, The Ruling Elite of Singapore, the combined might of Lee Kuan Yew and Lee Hsien Loong outmanoeuvred and defeated Goh in the internal machinations within cabinet in 1996, but Goh refused to step down and simply carried on as a figurehead prime minister for the next eight years, while his deputy, Lee Hsien Loong, exercised the real power.

    If the PAP emerges from the current election without clawing back at least some of the ground it has lost over the last four years, then Lee Hsien Loong risks suffering a similar fate. If that happens, then elite politics within cabinet are going to become very Byzantine indeed!

    Michael D. Barr is an associate professor of international relations at Flinders University and Editor-in-Chief of Asian Studies Review.

     

    Source: www.eastasiaforum.org

  • Singaporeans Need To Do More For The Poor

    Singaporeans Need To Do More For The Poor

    It just saddens me to see this, we had so much resources.. We held the sea games. Youth Olympics, nationals days. We bought in athletes from all over the world to represent Singapore. Spending millions and millions and millions and millions on dollar on all these.

    When other countries had some disasters, we reacted instantly to aid them. Send in rations, man power, technologies and more..

    Ministers earning millions and millions and millions of dollars. Our reserves growing and growing and growing…. I hope it’s still growing…

    Surely we can do more for the local and poor. Something that can directly help them. But these were not done or not done enough. I am not asking gov to collect more tax from us to do all these. But with the existing resources and tax collected. We already can do all these..

    I hope that day will come.

    Anonymous Concerned Citizen

    Source: www.allsingaporestuff.com

  • WP’s Faisal Manap And Fairoz Shariff Put Religion First, Potential Minister-In-Charge Of Muslim Affairs

    WP’s Faisal Manap And Fairoz Shariff Put Religion First, Potential Minister-In-Charge Of Muslim Affairs

    Bro,

    I nampak photo of WP Malay candidates performing prayers before rally dah go viral. I’m actually very proud and impressed of what they do. As a Kaki Bukit resident and a Muslim, it is good for me to see that there’s people like the WP candidates who represent us.

    WP Candidates Praying Before Rally

    They show that even they are in Chinese party, they never forget their religious duties. They also very good people with very good heart.

    What I know is Cik Faisal Manap and Cik Fairoz Shariff is very strict on religion. Religion is number one, is the priority for them. Islam is guide for what they do.

    Faisal Manap

    Fairoz Shariff WP

    What I feel is Muslim MPs should put religion first, like Cik Faisal and Cik Fairoz.

    Cik Faisal I know is Wear White supporter which is pro-family and anti LGBT. As Muslim this is not even a question for us. LGBT is forbidden. I respect Cik Faisal for standing up for what he believes in. He dont care about what the party stand. He support because he is a Muslim.

    Wear White

    I support the movement because it’s my responsibility to show concern for my fellow Muslims, asking them to do some introspection on whether what they’re doing is in accordance with Islamic values. That’s the campaign’s main calling.” – Faisal Manap

    I and my family wil pray they will be successful next week. Who knows maybe they can become Muslim Minister one day inshaallah?

    Hamzah

    [Reader Contribution]

    *Editor’s Note: The original article was amended to correct a phrasing error. We apologise to Mr Hamzah.

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