Tag: voters

  • Najib Razak: Although My Father Or Grandfather Isn’t From Kerala, I Am Known As The Father Of Indian Development

    Najib Razak: Although My Father Or Grandfather Isn’t From Kerala, I Am Known As The Father Of Indian Development

    In what may be another attempt to court ethnic minority voters, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak has declared himself a champion of development for the Indian community. He highlighted that he insisted on appointing a senior civil servant to head the Customs Department, despite objections to the candidate’s ethnicity.

    Addressing the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) general assembly yesterday, the Prime Minister said: “Although my father or grandfather isn’t from Kerala, I am known as the father of Indian development.”

    It was a sarcastic broadside against his mentor turned critic Dr Mahathir Mohamad, who is now chairman of the opposition Pakatan Harapan coalition. The former premier’s lineage includes ancestors from the southern Indian state.

    Mr Najib told the 2,000 MIC delegates that the opposition is merely trying to confuse people by labelling Malaysia a failed state.

    “The question is, what have they (the opposition) done for the Indians compared with what BN (Barisan Nasional) has done, more so after I took over the leadership of the country from Abdullah Badawi,” he said.

    “With his (Mr Abdullah’s) permission, I initiated (a) Cabinet committee on Indian affairs to further develop the Indian community because I realised that without intervention and political will, Indians would be neglected, marginalised and left behind.” The MIC is a component party of the ruling BN coalition.

    Mr Najib said he also prioritised Indians in the selection of the new director-general of Customs. “I do not mind telling you, even the appointment of the new director-general of Customs was difficult. I received petitions not to pick an Indian for the post,” he recounted.

    “I said no, he (Mr T Subromaniam) deserves the post because he is the most senior. I stood my ground.”

    In March, Mr Subromaniam was appointed to head the department. His appointment came despite grassroots efforts to petition for the post to go to a Malay candidate.

    However, some Indian community leaders were sceptical about Mr Najib’s comments. “When he held many important posts in the government prior to becoming the prime minister, what has he done for the Indians? Basically nothing,” said Mr A Rajaretinam, president of Malaysian Indian group Rapat.

    The Premier is believed to have been wooing the Chinese and Indian minorities, fuelling speculation that the general election could be held later this year.

    In July, Mr Najib said the government will study a request from the Indian-Muslim community to be recognised as Bumiputera. Earlier this month, he said he wanted to see a “stronger Chinese representation in the BN government”.

     

    Source: http://www.todayonline.com

  • Osman Sulaiman: Dilemma Of A Malay Voter On Reserved Presidential Election

    Osman Sulaiman: Dilemma Of A Malay Voter On Reserved Presidential Election

    Dilemma of a Malay voter this coming reserved Presidential Election (PE)

    What participation means for the Malay voters.

    1. Reserving the PE only for Malay candidates is against the grain of meritocracy. The central tenets that our country is built on.

    2. Participation would mean condoning and prolonging race based policies that further divide our nation.

    3. Allowing ourselves to be used as a political pawn for self-serving purposes.

    4. We perpetuate the perverse narrative by the gov that Malay community cannot win an open election without assistance

    5. The community descend to a less dignified level as we become part of a flawed system.

    Even if the above dont prick us, there is the issue of who do we vote for? At present, these 3 hopefuls.

    1. Halimah Yaacob
    2. Salleh Marican
    3. Farid Khan

    We know that the president’s role is largely ceremonial. With the new changes to our Elected Presidency System, our president’s discretionary powers are further abridged. And who gets to be president, would not matter as much before.

    I’ve seem some who has indicated that they would probably spoil their votes.

    What non-participation or spoiling the vote would mean for the voters.

    1. If Mdm Halimah contest, she would most probably win the election. History has shown that when the ruling party endorses a candidate, that someone would go on to win the election.

    Spoiling the vote would most definitely hand Mdm Halimah the coveted spot. I dont think this will be ideal as we would want someone who isnt too closely related to the ruling party.

    2. If we abstain and not turn up to vote, we are excluding ourselves from nation building and at the same time democracy.

    3. Part of democracy is to show our voice through our votes no matter even if we are in the minority. Not participating would mean the result would not reflect the true sentiments of the people.

    So do we participate, or no? It’s a tough call.

     

    Source: Khan Osman Sulaiman

     

  • Respect The Voters

    Respect The Voters

    MS LEE Li Lian said something interesting yesterday about respecting the voters. Punggol East voters had rejected her, and it didn’t make sense for her to stay in Parliament as a Non-constituency MP (NCMP), she said. Some people applaud her for her principled decision, others wonder if this was just an excuse for her disenchantment with the election results.

    She doesn’t want to be a voice in Parliament, never mind that she only lost by a whisker. If she takes up the seat, she would be the first rejected incumbent in Parliament, unless you count Mrs Lina Chiam as a proxy for her husband Mr Chiam See Tong in the last Parliament.

    Actually, her position isn’t so different from how the Opposition viewed the NCMP scheme when it was first introduced in 1984. NCMPs can talk in the House but they don’t have the critical powers of voting over money Bills or constitutional amendments. The several loud objections to the scheme was considered a sop to the losers, and the resistance waned until it looked like a prize to be fought over within political parties. Remember how there was some talk that Mr Eric Tan wanted to be an NCMP but the Workers’ Party decided that the seat be given to Mr Gerald Giam? That seems to have resulted in some kind of rupture in the party.

    In fact, the scheme appeared to have honed the political instincts of past NCMPs and given them a taste for the cut-and-thrust of debate. It is worth noting that the three NCMPs of the last Parliament have been extremely active in engaging the front bench. They took their jobs seriously, although it might be said that without a constituency to attend to, they have more time to bone up.

    Never mind Ms Lee’s motive for rejecting the seat, the key phrase she used is: “respecting the voters”.

    In this case, she behaved far better than Reform Party’s Kenneth Jeyaretnam who acted like a petulant child when he realised which way the wind was blowing on Polling Night.

    “All this is, is a mandate for authoritarianism and brainwashing. It shows what you do when you control everybody’s housing, you control their savings, you control their jobs because you’re the major employer, you control all the media and there’s no independent elections department.

    “So all I see is similar margins in North Korea and China, it’s just like the Chinese Communist Party and I guess Singaporeans get the government they deserve so I don’t want to hear any more complaints.”

    That was highly disrespectful of the voter. Whether a person likes or dislikes the results, the fact that cannot change is that close to 70 per cent of voters voted for the PAP. This was not a split electorate. That’s the way the cookie crumbles in a democracy with a first-past-the-post electoral system. Live with it.

    Most opposition politicians were, in fact, stinting in their remarks about bowing to the will of the people, preferring to attribute that collective will to the worry of a freak election result, the Electoral Boundary changes, the AHPETC and the propensity of the population for bribes. No one said that perhaps, their policies and programmes didn’t resonate with the people, that they had read them wrong, that they would have to recalibrate their positions to win them over. If they did, they didn’t say so in the fulsome way the PAP did after GE2011 – an expression of abject humility.

    The WP’s Daniel Goh, however, was one person who took the humble route: “The people has spoken and the collective wisdom is always right. Analysts will fall over one another in the coming weeks to discern the hearts of voters. For me, the meaning of the results is clear. It is a ringing endorsement of the PAP’s programme of going back to its centre-left roots and PM Lee’s leadership”.

    “It is also a nod to WP’s brand of rational and responsible politics, since the seats won in GE2011 were returned. But with caveats: work harder, and buck up, in both town management and Parliament; less egoism and opportunism, more depth, humility and courage, more listening and walking.” (PS. He got the bit about seats returned technically right; the one lost SMC was from a by-election).

    Deputy Prime Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam was very polite when he said that “it was important that the opposition reflect on what happened – not just in terms of whether the electorate didn’t know better or the electorate made a mistake – but how they could have done better in their strategies”.

    You wouldn’t expect the PAP to advise the Opposition on how they could have better strategised, but one sure thing is this: Don’t always believe social media. This GE2015, social media distorted the extent of Opposition support. TNP quoted an academic based in Australia who said: “Imagine if you read the Facebook comments whacking PAP. Many PAP supporters would think it better to keep their mouths shut before they are (verbally) abused.”

    In other words, the silent majority kept silent.

    Singapore Democratic Party’s (SDP) Chee Soon Juan was quick to think of the future. He suggested a closer working relationship with the WP in preparation for the next GE. This will probably depend on, among other things, whether the WP will forget his earlier proposal that they collaborate in contesting the Punggol East by-election two years ago by having the SDP in Parliament and the WP run the town council should their candidate win.

    Let bygones be bygones?

    This seems to be the rallying cry of the PAP leaders post GE2015. DPM Tharman noted that shorn of the rhetoric, the Opposition proposals aren’t too different from what the PAP is doing. (Maybe this is a backhanded compliment: that the Opposition can’t come up with anything too different). The PAP seems keen to embrace the diversity of viewpoints and the need for alternative voices, which it probably realises it shouldn’t dismiss despite its huge mandate. You can view this cynically: it wants to co-opt opposition voices into its fold. Or you can keep an open mind and see whether it holds to its promise to engage the people more fully and, more importantly, early.

    You have the younger leaders such as Mr Heng Swee Keat and Mr Tan Chuan-Jin calling on all sides, including Opposition supporters, to find common ground.

    Given the way the (not metaphorical) wind is blowing, there’s plenty. There’s the haze above ground, for starters. We can at least close ranks against that!

     

    Source: http://themiddleground.sg

  • GE2015: Likeability – The Tipping Factor

    GE2015: Likeability – The Tipping Factor

    Viswa Sadasivan is Editor-in-Chief for Inconvenient Questions, a former Nominated MP of the Singapore Parliament and a former TV current affairs host. The views expressed here are his own.

    Being likeable is not difficult, is it? Yet, why is it that I am finding so many politicians appearing unlikeable during the rallies – even those I know to be reasonably nice people. Quite sad, actually.

    Don’t get me wrong. I am not talking about those who try very hard to show care and concern and end up looking totally plastic. Neither am I talking about the politicians who are clearly too well prepped by spin doctors and end up smiling awkwardly, raising their voices at inappropriate moments, speaking broken English (ostensibly to connect with the crowd), showing off their mastery of multiple languages, or in some cases even crying.

    What our politicians need to come to terms with is: your audience may not all have strong academic credentials, but we are not dumb! We can tell a worthy politician from a ‘wayang king’ (‘drama king’) or a charlatan. Nobody likes being talked down to, patronised or, worse, treated like an idiot. And the more you come at us with highly curated speeches delivered in a rehearsed fashion, the higher the possibility that we won’t just like you less, but actually start disliking you.

    And this is the reality, guys – whether you like it or not. If I like you I am more inclined to believe what you say, and even make excuses for you when you fumble or stumble. If I don’t like you, here’s what will happen. My mind will build barriers to shut out what you say – no matter how correct your facts and figures are and regardless of how polished your presentation. In fact, if I don’t like you, I will find reasons to dislike you every time you say or do something. To believe that the human mind (especiallywhen it interfaces with the heart, which does happen every now and then) thinks and behaves rationally all the time is a dangerous assumption.

    In these hustings I have sensed that likeability has become a distinctly more important quotient that the electorate value and are seeking in candidates and party leaders – a lot more than in the previous GEs. And I have been following our all our elections closely since 1984, when I was just a rookie broadcast journalist. This is probably because we are quite tired of bureaucratically crafted speeches that spew little more than facts and figures and platitudes. We want more than just the CVs of the candidates; we want to see their character and personality and know what they stand for. I am seeing a more discerning and mature electorate this time. Delightful.

    So, what is this likeability quotient – let’s call it LQ, shall we? I think it mainly centers on three factors:authenticity, being human and humane, and competency and conviction.

    We value authenticity because there is just so much rehearsed pitches and double talk. There is simply too much noise. We want clarity and honesty. We want to see people who are the same on and off stage and who speak from the heart. We want people who are comfortable being who they are and prepared to expose their vulnerabilities.

    Being human is about having the capacity for human emotions – fear, joy, sadness, anxiety, anger, apprehension – and being comfortable showing it. Increasingly, we shun those who lack plain human decency. I am seeing too many politicians having this almost-permanent smirk on their faces when explaining something, talking about their adversaries, and especially when others are trying to make a point. I find this absolutely deplorable. Hey, if you are upset or angry – just show it. No need to be cocky about it. It is much more acceptable to show outright displeasure or anger. Being humane is just as important because we don’t want as our leaders people who can’t empathise, sympathise or show compassion. No matter how smart or competent you are, why should we elect you if you rejoice in inflicting pain on others and or in seeing them squirm? I don’t see why we can’t expect a strong but clean fight in an election. We want a leader who treats his adversaries with decency. Human dignity is important. Nobody likes to see a dying horse being flogged!

    It’s hard to sustain likeability if you have the above qualities but can’t demonstrate competency. Competency goes beyond technical skills or domain knowledge. It is about having the ability to read the situation accurately and come up with solutions that allow us to achieve the desired outcome, and not just the desired output.

    And increasingly when choosing a leader, we want to see competency going hand-in-hand with the ability to persuade and get a buy-in. This requires conviction – a deep belief in and commitment to what you are preaching, especially when the idea is original and the territory uncharted. This, for me, is the single most important factor that distinguished the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew – his conviction in the face of the many uncertainties and trials we faced as a nation. I find this sadly lacking among the candidates in this GE, especially on the PAP side.

    In this election campaign, three rally speeches stood out for me. They each brought to sharp relief the qualities I have highlighted, making them likeable enough for us to be moved by them and follow them, regardless of whether we fully agree with everything they say or even disagree with them.

    SDP Secretary-General Dr Chee Soon Juan’s first rally speech had a huge impact not only on the thousands present at the event but also the many more who watched the recording of it as it went viral. Part of this can be attributed to the curiosity that we have about this much-maligned opposition politician for whom this is the first GE he is contesting in after 15 years. What is interesting is that, for me, this rally speech had the power to convert several people who had previously viewed him negatively or even seriously disliked him. Simply put, he came across authentic, reasonably knowledgeable, and very human and humane, with an indefatigable conviction for what he believes in. I am sure the facts he asserted or even his arguments were debatable for many, but the other qualities he exuded defined him and how he was received. It wasn’t so much what he said, but how he said it. By this, I am not talking about rhetoric or eloquence, but clear articulation with conviction, and being critical of his political opponents without resorting to vitriol or suspending decency.

    Similarly, when I did an exclusive interview with him for IQ, the same qualities came through. Even though I asked him questions he was clearly uncomfortable with – such as what he had to say about the allegation that he orchestrated the exit of Mr Chiam See Tong from the party (SDP) the latter formed – he responded honestly and with dignity. When criticizing the PAP he was not disparaging or disagreeable.

    The second rally speech that was outstanding for the reasons I highlighted was that by DPM Tharman Shanmugaratnam. He was, in so many ways, the quintessential political leader – visionary, caring and committed, supremely articulate, conveying his knowledge in a simple yet not simplistic way, inspirational. Above all, he was decent in the way he criticised his political opponents. As always, he didn’t see the need to make caustic or disparaging remarks to put down the opposition. DPM Tharman was also willing to openly acknowledge that the government could have handled some things better. Like Dr Chee Soon Juan’s speech, I am sure there are arguments there that we may not agree with, but his manner and approach took precedence. More than his compelling mind, his heart and gut took centrestage.

    Unlike the case with Dr Chee, DPM Tharman already has the benefit of being liked for his authenticity, his fairness and decency, his competency and quiet conviction. This rally speech rode on that advantage and served to reinforce it. That’s why I feel that this is a speech that helped to tilt the balance in this GE.

    The third rally speech that was quite outstanding and served as a further point of inflection for the ruling party’s campaign was the one delivered by PM Lee at the lunchtime rally in the UOB Plaza on 8 September. In both substance and style, this speech enhanced the Prime Minister’s already strong likeability on the ground. He presented himself more as a national leader and statesman than as the Secretary-General of the PAP. It helped very much that he steered clear of the AHPETC issue. His criticism of issues and arguments raised by the opposition was delivered in a straightforward and dignified manner, and with a dash of irony when he said that a strong PAP is needed to make the opposition work harder.

    Like DPM Tharman, PM Lee’s willingness to acknowledge that we have a long way to go in addressing issues and the need for all of us to work together (possibly including the opposition) seemed to have a positive impact on the audience. His references to the work done by the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew went down well because they were tastefully delivered and didn’t look like an election tactic. In fact, it was inspirational even for this crowd, which tends to be cynical. More than anything else, what stood out in this speech was the PM’s conviction in his belief and his passion for his country and people. This was refreshing.

    Elections and especially General Elections are great opportunities to provoke thought and introspection in a people. A GE need not be just a time for swords to be crossed and to contest ideas and ideals. It is an excellent opportunity to unify a people and unite a nation. For this, we need compelling speeches that go beyond rhetoric and that stir emotions. We need leaders who can deliver these speeches: leaders who command attention… leaders that we truly like.

    Source: https://sg.news.yahoo.com