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Alfian Sa’at: Calvin Cheng Getting Too Big For His Boots

Last one before I wash my hand of this tawdry ex-NMP, ex-price-fixer, ex-young-PAP and current has-been-yet-wannabe affair. Uh, yucks:

I have been off Facebook for almost two weeks, trying to find some quiet time. The grief comes in waves and the feelings are still raw.

Imagine then my shock at reading Calvin Cheng’s post, trying to link me and my writings with radicalised youths, calling me a ‘domestic agitator’ who deserves to be detained without trial once ‘red lines are crossed’ (of course with draconian instruments like the ISA the definition of this ‘red line’ is meant to be conveniently arbitrary).

Was this a response to something recent that I posted? No. It was a response to the recent ISA arrests of some Muslim youths. And somehow Calvin Cheng found it necessary to tar me with the same brush, perhaps in the hope of threatening me to keep silent, or not raise questions about certain issues that make him uncomfortable—or that he doesn’t have the capacity to rebut robustly and convincingly.

The suggestion that I might be linked to Muslim extremism would be hilarious if not for the fact that Calvin Cheng thinks that it is a valid charge. He probably has no idea about how I’ve been attacked by those from the Wear White campaign and accused of being a ‘secular fundamentalist’. He doesn’t know that my play, ‘Nadirah’, was about interfaith understanding, and that my play ‘Parah’ critiqued Malay-Muslim ethnocentricism in Malaysia. These details don’t bother him, because he probably thinks that when you want to get a Muslim person to shut up, then you go full on McCarthy and try to associate him with terrorism. Which is its own kind of racism.

I have at various times tried to record the experiences of being a Malay minority in Singapore. And they have all been above board–it’s there in my plays, my books. These works have been funded by government bodies, which have very strict guidelines on anything that might cause racial and religious discord. Online, I don’t join clandestine closed groups and polemicise in echo chambers. The very fact that my posts are set to public means that just about anyone is free to tell me whether I have indeed crossed a line, like for example if any of my points about Singapore not honouring the ideals of multiculturalism is seen as vile hate speech against the Chinese. Calvin Cheng would have ample opportunity to engage me on these matters. And if indeed he had reasonable arguments to offer, then I would most certainly temper my posts. But he has chosen not to, and instead snipes at me without specifying which of my writings fall into the category of ‘terrorist propaganda’—which is what those youths (in MHA’s account) had been exposed to.

I actually think that this Calvin Cheng has had me in his gunsights for a while now. I don’t write exclusively about race, and I’m sure my writings about Amos Yee or Lee Kuan Yew must have pissed him off in some way. So he seizes the opportunity to lambast me based on some current event and spectacularly misfires.

The online world is a strange one. For some reason some of the most articulate social commentators—Alex Au, Andrew Loh, Carlton Tan, Howard Lee, Vincent Wijeysingha, Kirsten Han, Lynn Lee, Joshua Chiang, Gwee Li Sui, Imran Mohd Taib, Sudhir Thomas, Loh Kah Seng, Thum Ping Tjin, Isrizal, Martyn See, Chris Ho, Donald Low (whose smackdown of Calvin Cheng really revealed what an intellectual pygmy the latter was) etc—tend to be critical of the establishment. And in the other corner, we have Jason Chua and Calvin Cheng. It must be terribly frustrating and lonely. Once I get past my annoyance, I realise that what I really feel for Calvin Cheng is pity. Pity that the sheer paucity of people in his corner has led him to think that he is bigger than he really is. Pity that his responses in the wake of his slander has run along the lines of yapping taunts like ‘come sue me’, ‘come slap me now…you don’t have the balls’, ‘take a queue number’, ‘make me take down the flag from my profile (if you think I dishonour it)’. Pity that in shooting his mouth off, he’s succeeded in shooting the messenger–oh, and his own foot.

Source: Alfian Sa’at

May 29, 2015
Under House Arrests On Fridays

For a religion that emphasises free will and no compulsion in believing, its authorities in Malaysia seem awfully insistent on proving the opposite.

In a week, starting June 1, Muslim men in the northern state of Kedah may now be liable for a fine not more than RM1,000 and jail not more than six months, or both for missing Friday prayers three weeks in a row.

The Section 13 that governs that offence was passed in the state’s latest Shariah Criminal Enactment amended last year. But of course, Kedah is not the sole state where such a law has been enacted.

The Federal Territories, for example, also criminalises skipping Friday prayers in Section 20 of its Shariah Criminal Enactment, with the exact penalty.

So do Perak in its Section 23, and Negri Sembilan in its Section 113, among others.

Back in February, Terengganu even mooted the idea of parading offenders in hearses as part of the penalty.

There is a reason why this law has failed to be enforced consistently, and surfaces in the media once every blue moon.

Friday prayers at the National Mosque in Kuala Lumpur. — Picture by Yusof Mat Isa

Most of the laws governing Friday prayers require a Muslim man to register at a mosque that represents a kariah, or a parish.

The crime is committed when the man fails to attend Friday prayers in that specific mosque at least once every three weeks, and should someone in that same parish lodge a complaint against that man, he can be charged.

I shall leave out the discussion on the justification behind the jurisprudence that decides on the seemingly arbitrary three-week threshold. The gaping hole here should be obvious: we no longer live in parishes.

The notion of parishes and tying a religious obligation to that concept has its roots in the archaic practices of tribal men who lived in desert communes, with little inter-city ties, what more global ones.

It might still be relevant to those who live in villages in rural Kedah or Terengganu, where men go to work and do their chores not far from their own homes, stuck in their parishes. But nowhere else.

For a start, it is a given that most Muslim men spend their Fridays at work far away from their parishes, where they take time off to perform the prayers. Some do not even have permanent workplaces, always on the go and often away from not only their parish, but their homes.

These men would go to the nearest mosques, which now handle hundreds and hundreds of faithful every Friday. To keep track of several men registered at the mosque among those adherent, where most of them would not even be from the same area and might even be from different states, is totally ridiculous.

Like I said, archaic tribal practices.

Since Kedah made its announcement, there has been suggestions made by some Muslims online on how to lighten the burden of these mosques in keeping track of its parishioners every Friday.

Among those is a system where Muslims can check in automatically using some sort of electronic system, similar to how employees clock in for work.

What a waste of money and resources, but above all, missing the forest for the trees.

For many, the solution is simple. Just never register with any mosque or parish, so there is no need for a “check in” every week.

Like many other annoyances and complexities regarding the practice of Islam in this country, the solution here seems to be to cut yourself off from other Muslims.

A parish is supposed to be a localised support system, where a Muslim can seek help and counsel, both religious and practical. It has many benefits, especially logistical support when it comes to grand gestures of religious rituals, such as marriage and death in the family.

By practising these sorts of restrictions, a parish is now reduced to mere “house arrest”, where you are forced to report in for fear of a fine and prison, which should never be confused with fear of God.

For many, prayers are meant for them to seek solace. The Quranic verses involving Friday prayers (62:9-11) seem to suggest that Muslims are obliged to drop everything to perform it, and then go about their business when the deed is done.

It is not rare to hear how tourists in other Muslim countries speak of the beauty of prayer when Muslims take a breather to greet their God, and continue when they are done like it was no big deal.

Many might agree: that is how religious obligations should be. As something that connects one to God, it should nonetheless not interfere with living.

But when such rituals become institutionalised, you get the nation grinding to a halt for three hours mid-day every Fridays, its roads choked, as many seek advantage of a religious practice to slack off on their jobs.

When Friday prayers have been turned into just a routine chore, criminalising giving it a miss does little to give any incentive for one to prostrate himself without compulsion.

Many Muslims insist that Islam is attractive because it does not seek to burden its adherents. As more and more Muslims nationwide take the role of moral police, and increasingly acting as God’s surrogate, the remark rings less and less true.

*This is the personal opinion of the columnist, Zurairi A R.

Source: www.themalaymailonline.com

May 29, 2015
Miak Siew: Calvin Cheng Is Just Pretending To Be Clever

This is privilege. Majority groups are often blind to the oppression and discrimination minority groups face. And when they speak up, they are labelled militants, disturbing the peace, stirring trouble.

I am deeply offended that Calvin Cheng accused Alfian Sa’at. Did Alfian not articulate the real experiences of a Malay person living in hyper-Sinicized Singapore? As a Chinese person I was blind to it until someone like Alfian pointed it out to me.

Saying that they don’t experience discrimination is to deny their experience and is also our denial of our participation in their discrimination.

We are all a little racist. Admission is the first step of acknowledging that reality and the long journey of building a society based on equality. I wonder how much of it is an attempt to absolve himself and the government of racism, and how much of it is – and I use this word seriously – stupidity masquerading as intelligence.

Source: Miak Siew

May 29, 2015
Calvin Cheng: Irresponsible Rhetoric Alleging Racial Discrimination Against Malays Fuelling Would-Be Radicals

The self-radicalisation of the ISA-detained youth by ISIS propaganda is worrying.

We need to be acutely aware of the seductive messages behind these terrorist groups, as everywhere, they prey on the feelings of Muslims with promises of glory and power under a revived caliphate.

In countries where Muslims are minorities, ISIS propaganda takes advantage of feelings of insecurities, fabricate lies that they are being oppressed and then thereafter persuade them to commit acts of violence against their alleged oppressors, all under a twisted version of Islam.

That is why in Singapore, we have to be careful as we have similar fault-lines that can be exploited.

People like Alfian Sa’at for example need to be careful of their irresponsible rhetoric, which allege racial discrimination against our Malay-Muslim brethren.

At the best of times, these allegations should be carefully considered. With ISIS stoking the flames worldwide and seeking to radicalise Muslim minorities everywhere, they should tread even more carefully about inciting racial and religious disaffection.

The Government should watch commentators like Alfian Sa’at closely and if red lines are crossed, the use of the ISA on these domestic agitators should not be ruled out.

Source: Calvin Cheng

May 28, 2015
Teo Soh Lung: Releases And Arrests Under The ISA

Yesterday’s press releases (27 May 2015) of the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) are depressing. Three men were released from indefinite imprisonment under the Internal Security Act (ISA) a year ago, but it is only now that we are made aware this.

The three men were:

1. Mohamed Rashid bin Zainal Abidin, arrested in May 2006. He was released on 26 May 2014 with restrictions;

2. Sahrudin bin Mohd Sapian arrested in January 2012. He was released with restrictions on 24 February 2014; and

3. Mohamed Rafee bin Abdul Rahman, arrested in January 2012. He was released with restrictions on 24 February 2014.

The three were released in February 2014 and May 2014. Why did the MHA take more than a year to inform us of their release? Are we not entitled to know what the MHA does with ISA prisoners? Who and how many people have they arrested and for how long do they need to remain in prison? By keeping silent about arrests, imprisonment and releases of prisoners, the MHA behaves like a state sanctioned clandestine organisation.

The ISA is an unjust law. Prisoners are not charged and tried in open court. There is no judicial review for ISA cases. Release of ISA prisoners depend on the whims and fancies of the executive who may or may not rely on the reports of the ISD. The threat of indefinite imprisonment instils great fear in prisoners. Behind the four walls of the prison, they are quickly forgotten by the public. In Singapore, we do not have human rights organisations or religious organisations who demand updates on the well-being of prisoners. Even the United Nations is not able to extract any information from the MHA. The Justices of Peace who allegedly visit prisoners at regular intervals are not answerable to the public. They merely play the role of do-gooders and do not check the excesses of the government.

The MHA now informs us that Mohamed Rashid bin Zainal Abidin who was arrested in 2006 was released in 2014, a period of eight long years. Why was he imprisoned for so long? We hear from the MHA that JI or Jemaah Islamiyah has faded and it is now the era of ISIS. So why was he imprisoned for eight long years? MHA owes the public an explanation, not just the two liner alleging that Rashid was a “JI member who had undergone terrorist training in south Philippines. He was released from detention and placed on Restriction Orders (RO) on 24 Feb 2014.”

Sahrudin bin Mohd Sapian and Mohamed Rafee bin Abdul Rahman were both released after two years. Both men had allegedly undergone terrorist training and were JI members.

Why was the release of these three men kept a secret for more than one year?

And what about the following prisoners?

1. Haji Ibrahim bin Haji Maidin arrested in December 2001.
2. Alahuddeen bin Abdullah, arrested in October 2002.
3. Mohd Aslam bin Yar Ali Khan, arrested in December 2002.
4. Mas Selamat bin Kastari, rearrested in September 2010.
5. Abdul Rahimbin Abdul Rahman, arrested in February 2012.
6. Husaini bin Ismail, arrested in May 2012.
7. Abdul Basheer s/o Abdul Kader, rearrested in September 2012.
8. Asyrani bin Hussaini arrested in March 2013.
9. Masyhadi bin Mas Selamat, arrested in October 2013.

Let us hope that those imprisoned today will not suffer imprisonment for 32 years as Dr Chia Thye Poh did and that the government will in the meantime, look after their material and psychological well-being as well as that of their families. I hope the government will not let the families suffer poverty as they did to thousands of others in earlier decades.

New Arrests under the ISA

In another press release of the same date, the MHA announced the arrests of two young people – M Arifil Azim Putra Norja’s, aged 19 and an unnamed youth, aged 17. They were arrested under the ISA in April and May 2015 respectively.

Is there no other law that can deal with young people other than the ISA? Is there no Muslim organisation that can help these youths, if they are indeed misguided? What about the existing Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG) and the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS)? Cannot the MHA seek their assistance instead of taking such draconian action and giving them a lifetime black label?

The arrest of these two young people reminds me of the hundreds of youths arrested between 1954 – 1987. Many of them were students and could not continue their studies after imprisonment. Unlike those times, Singapore today is a developed country. Why is it that we are still not able to handle young people without using the ISA?

Young people are the future of Singapore. How we treat the young reflect the maturity of our society. As I have said before, the government made a mess of Amos Yee. Are they making another mess with these two young people? MUIS and RRG should do their best to intervene in these arrests. The effect of indefinite imprisonment without trial under the ISA is not to be taken lightly.

I hope the government will re-examine its decision to use the ISA against these two young people. The ISA is not to be used lightly and worse, on our young.

Teo Soh Lung

Source: Function 8

May 28, 2015