Tag: Singapore

  • City Harvest Appeal: All Successful In Getting Reduced Sentence Including Kong Hee

    City Harvest Appeal: All Successful In Getting Reduced Sentence Including Kong Hee

    City Harvest Church founder and senior pastor Kong Hee has had his prison sentence reduced to three years and six months from eight years, while the other five leaders also had their sentences reduced.

    The six were in court on Friday (Apr 7) to hear the outcome of their appeal against both their conviction and sentences after being found guilty in October 2015 of misappropriating about S$50 million of church funds.

    Former fund manager Chew Eng Han had his six-year sentence lowered to three years and fourth months, while deputy pastor Tan Ye Peng had his original five-and-a-half-year sentence cut to three years and two months.

    Former finance manager Serina Wee Gek Yin’s original five-year sentence was halved to two years and six months, and former finance committee member John Lam Leng Hung’s three-year sentence was similarly halved to one year and six months.

    Former finance manager Sharon Tan Shao Yuen had her 21-month jail sentence lowered to seven months.

    Friday’s hearing was the culmination of a five-day appeal heard in September last year by a three-judge panel, including Judge of Appeal Chao Hick Tin and Justices Woo Bih Li and Chan Seng Onn.

    After the revised sentences were announced, Kong, Lam, Chew, Tan and Wee all asked for their sentences to commence after two weeks, and the court agreed.

    Sharon Tan had asked to defer the start of her sentence by two months, as her family is relocating overseas in June and she wants to help her children adjust to the move. The court agreed to this, too.

    UNPRECEDENTED CASE

    The City Harvest case is unprecedented. The S$50 million taken from the mega-church’s coffers is the largest amount of charity funds ever misappropriated in Singapore.

    The money was used to bankroll the secular music career of the pastor’s wife Sun Ho, without the knowledge of the congregation which is made up of tens of thousands of worshippers who had donated the millions of dollars to the church.

    The case is unprecedented also because the millions were “replaced” through a series of sham investments and shady transactions, and the church ultimately suffered no financial loss.

    “If this is the largest amount going out the door, it is also unprecedented in that it is the largest amount coming back,” Kong’s lawyer Jason Chan had said.

    Still, the actions of Kong and the five co-accused were criminal – they effectively took City Harvest Church’s funds into their own hands to use as they pleased, despite them being plainly not authorised to do so, a judge had said.

    Although the congregation largely supported Sun Ho’s secular music career – through the church’s Crossover Project which aimed to use her music to evangelise – they had no idea that they were footing the bill.

    A total of S$24 million of church funds diverted into sham investments was used to bankroll Ms Ho’s budding career and extravagant lifestyle. Another S$26 million of church funds was used to cover up the first amount to fool auditors and to conceal the fact that money from the church’s building fund – a restricted fund set aside for building-related expenses – had been used for an unauthorised purpose.

     

    Source: http://www.channelnewsasia.com

  • Alfian Sa’at: If Muslim Women Want To Wear Tudung, Respect Their Choices

    Alfian Sa’at: If Muslim Women Want To Wear Tudung, Respect Their Choices

    Are we not sick already of the way certain issues are debated in Parliament? The raising of the perennial ‘tudung issue’ has become some kind of weird tussle for legitimacy–as representative of minority rights– between WP MP Faisal Manap and PAP MP Masagos Zulkifli. Masagos seems to be an advocate for closed-door, behind-the-scenes deliberations, which is another name for elite governance. (Who gets invited to these sessions? How do we know that the supposedly representative committee that is assembled is not a rigged public?) Faisal believes that public debate is important, and seems to have more faith in ordinary Singaporeans being able to think through an issue that involves religious freedom, secularism and occupational requirements.

    Of course, in all the rhetoric about how an issue is ‘sensitive’ or ‘divisive’, one avoids addressing the issue altogether. So let’s start from the beginning. Some Muslim women wear the hijab in public. It is important to note that this does not only consist of a head-covering but also clothes which conceal the whole body with the exception of the face and hands. This is an important point because any modification of uniforms to accommodate the hijab will mean introducing long sleeves and long pants to replace short sleeves and skirts.

    Why do they wear the hijab in public? If you live in the US and watch nothing but Fox News, you would think that it is because they were pressured to do so by their brothers and fathers, who believe that a woman’s modesty is a commodity to be perpetually guarded. But if you live in Singapore, you will know that there is a high degree of autonomy practised by those Muslim women who choose to wear a hijab. And two of the reasons often cited might be counterintuitive to those who think of the hijab as some kind of patriarchal constraint: comfort and freedom.

    ‘Comfort’ does not only mean physical comfort, but also the psychological and spiritual comfort that one feels by doing something which one thinks is consonant with one’s religious teachings. (And here we must also make space for women who are equally comfortable with *not* wearing the hijab, because they don’t think it is dissonant with religious teachings.) And ‘freedom’ is often freedom from the kinds of gazes and judgments that seek to objectify a woman’s body—from the way her hair is styled, to the tanlines on her shoulders, to the hair on her arms or legs. It is a way, for some people, of unplugging from pernicious body standards, or a gentle request that one is evaluated on the basis of something other than mere appearance.

    The picture is of course a lot more complex than above. Why is it that young, single women wearing the hijab can sometimes signal that they are suitable prospects in the marriage market, or at least advertise for the kinds of partners they seek? (Clue: not the abang-abang havoc.) And why do some hijab-wearing women wear make-up if the aim is to deflect male attention? An answer would be: because they are not nuns. The interesting thing about the hijab is that it occupies a space of reconciliation between the clerical and the worldly. We associate the wearing of headdresses with those who have taken clerical vows, such as nuns with their wimples. Veiling is often a strategy to retreat from the social and secular, and to concentrate on self-cultivation.

    The hijab then affords a compromise between a spiritual turning-inward and a projection of a public self, and in a sense speaks of that lack of distinction, in Islam, between a ‘person of God’ and a ‘person of the world’. (Something outsiders sometimes have difficulty understanding, when many religions have a separation between the clergy and lay believers). And this is why this particular religious garb also manifests itself as fashion, in an explosion of colour and styles.

    There have been concerns about how the wearing of the hijab was never as widespread ‘in the past’, and how its ubiquitousness is hence a sign of growing conservatism, and even worse, separatism. Well, in that past, a woman’s place was believed to be the domestic sphere, where husbands were supposed to be sole breadwinners and women were expected to stay at home and raise children. However, over time, more women were receiving education and entering the workforce in larger numbers than before, in working environments often far from their homes.

    In that navigation between traditional gender roles and modern economic pressures, the hijab afforded some women an unprecedented measure of mobility. Rather than being a manifestation of conservatism, the hijab was these women’s answer to conservatism, a response to the voices of elders insisting that the home is the only safe place for women, their fears about ‘improper’ interactions in work environments. It was a form of negotiation with modernity and again, a way of being free. While the primary reason often cited by women for wearing the hijab is a religious one, it’s also useful to look at its sociological dimensions.

    I realise only too acutely that I stand accused of speaking on behalf of women who wear the hijab. (And I apologise if it’s yet another tiresome case of men seeming like authorities on what women want to wear.) The choice to wear (or not wear) it is a deeply personal one, and there is something coarse about subjecting such choices to any form of scrutiny. But I really feel that we need to counter those prevalent modes of thinking that sees the hijab as a tool of patriarchal oppression, or as segregationist rejection of mainstream clothing norms, or as fierce assertion of a resurgent Islamic identity.

    There are women among our fellow citizens who choose to wear the hijab when they are out in public, or in their working environments. It makes them feel comfortable, secure, peaceful and at ease with themselves. What can we do, as a multicultural, multireligious society, to respect that choice and ensure their wellbeing?

     

    Source: Alfian Sa’at

  • Nazem Suki: Still No Resolution On Tudung Issue Even After Decades

    Nazem Suki: Still No Resolution On Tudung Issue Even After Decades

    Plainly speaking to my non-Muslim friends about the tudung issue.

    The request since over the last 30 years;
    1) Our Muslim women should be allowed to wear the tudung at work.
    2) Our Muslims girls should be allowed to wear the tudung in school.

    The Muslim community never request for a mandatory requirements for our women and girls to don the tudung, but to have the options available should they wish to. There is no huss and fuss about the Islamic obligations to talk about, but we are only asking for the particular options to be available for our women.

    How different will it be when the options are there, and we still can see some are not with their tudung? In parliament itself is a good example of harmony between Muslim women with and without tudung, even if the ratio is majority with tudung.

    What influence does it make to any person or community or the state? Who is making it a complicated matter at all? The people or the establishment?

    Keeping it politically is not a correct motivation and bound to ransom and conflict. This is unfair for the women, Muslim or non-Muslim, who prefer to wear the tudung anywhere and everywhere. There are no religious reasons for a non-Muslim to put on the tudung if they want to. There are guidelines in Islam for Muslim women to put on their tudung. Ultimately it is the individual preference, and if only the option is there. But now, what options are there?

    Question? Why and who and what is holding it back? Nearly 40 years with no resolution?

     

    Source: Mohamed Nazem Suki

  • Sha’ban Yahya: Malay-Muslim MPs Must Be Accountable And Responsible, Do Not Ignore Sentiments On Tudung Issue

    Sha’ban Yahya: Malay-Muslim MPs Must Be Accountable And Responsible, Do Not Ignore Sentiments On Tudung Issue

    The main stumbling block of the decades old tudung issue were/ are our very own Malay-Muslim leaders, from the beginning till current day.

    It’s never proven to be a great concern of the other communities or to be a hindrance for those who don it to do their jobs or even to be a justified, well- informed concern for non-muslim leaders.

    Malay-Muslim MPs should collectively endorse rather than misrepresent its importance, respect rather than ignore their community’s concerns, be its supporter rather than its adversary, facilitate non-Muslim leaders to empathise rather than follow along and let the misguidance initiated and inflicted by earlier MMPs grow into an evergrowing cancer affecting the government for so long.

    Dear Malay-Muslim MPs, please be accountable and correct this mistake. This is an issue close to your conscience so don’t expect your non-muslim colleagues to do it for you. They could have been waiting impatiently for so long for you to do so.

     

    Source: Sha’ban Yahya in Suara Melayu Singapura

  • WP MP Faisal Manap Brought Up Aspirations Of Muslim Women In Singapore

    WP MP Faisal Manap Brought Up Aspirations Of Muslim Women In Singapore

    The Singapore Parliament was speaking about the aspirations of the Singapore Women.

    WP MP Faisal Manap brought up the aspirations of the Singapore Muslim women.

    He highlighted the importance of inclusiveness for Muslim women which would allow them to fulfill their career aspirations while meeting religious obligations (i.e. to wear the tudung at work)

    It was a fair point, except that he seems to needle these ‘Malay-Muslim’ issues consistently every chance he gets – a point, which Minister Masagos highlighted.

    In 2014, he called for the formation of a committee to tackle issues faced by the Malay-Muslim community because participants felt left out in certain policies and practices that “question the loyalty of Malays to the country”.

    In 2015 and 2016, he called for inclusion of Malay officers on Navy Ships and other sensitive positions in the Military

    As the only Malay Opposition member, he had every right to bring this up in parliament. After all, as a politician, he has to work to keep up his political mileage with his Malay voters.

    But why is he constantly harping on this issue whenever he talks about the Malay Community?

    What about other equally important and challenging issues that the Malay community is currently facing?

    What about Malay entrepreneurship, upskilling of the Malay community, Malay home ownership. The Malay community significantly lags behind other races in education, health and housing and is over-represented in crime, drugs and prison statistics.

    Are these issues not worth championing for, in parliament?

    What good will it do for the community if they can wear the tudung on the front line, but struggles to keep pace with the rest of the races in our society.

    How different is this from the political party, PAS,  in Malaysia, who pushed for Hudud laws every election, organised rallies for thousands of people, championed laws prohibiting the proximity between men and women but conveniently ignored other pertinent social issues in their community such as education and standard of living.

    Singapore cannot be successful and Singaporeans cannot be happy if there is any section of the population which is not doing well.

    Because we are such a small population – we breathe and live each other’s air. If that under-performance is defined by race or religion, it will even be starker.

    As much as we want our brothers and sisters to be able to fulfil their religious obligations, it is in our national interest, to make sure that everybody succeeds and that the under-performance is not defined by race and religion.

    You want to push for the tudung issue, sure.

    Make sure you champion other cases as well. Otherwise, you are nit-picking on popular issues and not really looking out for the Malay community.

     

    Source: www.thoughtssg.com

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