Tag: Singaporeans

  • Singapore’s Rulers Hope A Nudge To The Left Will Keep Voters Loyal

    Singapore’s Rulers Hope A Nudge To The Left Will Keep Voters Loyal

    At breakfast time one day last week, Singapore government minister K. Shanmugam dropped in to a bustling food court to greet voters, listen to their grumbles and urge them to back the People’s Action Party (PAP) in this Friday’s general election.

    There was a burst of applause from a table of tea-drinking men, old ladies looked up smilingly from bowls of noodle soup, and one of the sharpest complaints he heard was from a resident about pigeons roosting outside her house.

    A bedrock of support from communities like this guarantees that the PAP, which has ruled this city state since it won independence 50 years ago, will be returned to power this week.

    But Shanmugam, who is law and foreign minister, says the PAP can no longer take popular loyalty for granted: the party’s share of the vote dropped to 60.1 percent in the last election, in 2011, its lowest ever, and a swing of just a few thousand votes in some electoral districts this time could erode its overwhelming majority in the 89-seat parliament.

    To prevent that, the party has tweaked its policy playbook in ways that will shift the direction of a country whose meteoric rise from tropical backwater to haven of wealth was based on a no-nonsense model of growth at all costs.

    Under the iron-handed founding father of Singapore, the late Lee Kuan Yew, the idea of Western-style welfarism was scorned and people were mostly expected to stand on their own feet.

    NUDGE TO THE LEFT

    But years of galloping growth led to yawning wealth gaps and to resentment over an open door for foreign workers, overcrowded trains and expensive housing, forcing the PAP to respond with a nudge to the political left.

    “In the 80s, 90s to 2000s there was a lot of emphasis on the private sector,” Shanmugam said in an interview with Reuters. “From ’07 the rhetoric has shifted to a centre-left position.”

    Eugene Tan, a political analyst and associate professor at Singapore Management University, says this new strategy will have to stay as the PAP manages a more competitive political landscape and a population now less patient with paternalism and one-party rule.

    “The PAP will now have to deal with much stronger pressures for populist policies, such as higher taxes for a larger swathe of income-earners and nationalistic manpower policy as well as more social spending, which are very often the antithesis of the ruling party’s core policies for the past 50 years,” Tan said.

    Shanmugam rejects the idea that the PAP’s 2011 wobble triggered a reset of social policies and says Singapore was one of the world’s most welfarist countries way before then.

    But this year, the government has raised taxes on top earners to pay for a hefty increase in healthcare spending and a better safety net for the aged and low-paid workers, and just before calling the election Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong announced plans to make state housing more affordable.

    It has taken other steps since the last election that many see as rearguard action, such as cooling the property market – from which many have felt increasingly locked out – and stemming the tide of foreign workers.

    IMMIGRATION DILEMMA

    A nation of 5.5 million people with no natural resources, Singapore became a global hub for financial services and oil trading and a major electronics manufacturer thanks partly to a liberal immigration policy that provided plentiful cheap labour.

    Now, the government faces a backlash over immigrants who are blamed for taking jobs, fuelling inflation and depressing wages, but is in a bind because it needs them to underpin growth as the population greys and the workforce shrinks.

    Already it expects growth in coming years to be less than half the 8 percent average rate of Singapore’s first 50 years, and a tight labour market could make even that a challenge.

    Shanmugam accepts that making the argument for immigration is not going to be “an easy message” for voters.

    Immigration has been a hot topic among the overwhelmingly young people at raucous rallies of the opposition Workers Party which have been attended by tens of thousands.

    The PAP is hoping that a sense of patriotism inspired by this year’s golden jubilee and the death of Lee Kuan Yew in March will work in its favour on Friday. However, opinion polls are illegal and so no one is making confident predictions.

    Garry Rodan, a professor of politics and international studies at Australia’s Murdoch University, said the increased welfare and social redistribution since 2011 was necessary but had been too little for a major reversal of inequalities.

    “Singaporeans can reward these initial steps or ramp up the pressure on the government through their votes,” he said.

     

    Source: https://sg.news.yahoo.com

  • Walid J. Abdullah: This Is Politics

    Walid J. Abdullah: This Is Politics

    ‘This is Politics’:

    When a 19 year old says things that you agree with, ‘this kid is really wise beyond his years’.

    When a 19 year old questions your policies, ‘i was once young, idealistic and naive like you.’

    ——

    When you talk about race, it is called ‘minority representation’.

    When your opponent talks about race, it is called ‘communal politics’.

    ——

    When election is near, you mention on stage ‘I received an email from resident A, thanking me.’

    When it is not election time, never mind seeing your face, even emails are ignored.

    ——

    When your opponent raises an important issue, ‘oh we have raised this before’.

    When someone points out that you have not raised it before, ‘oh we raise it behind closed doors’.

    ——

    When your opponent makes a mistake, ‘you must commit harakiri’.

    When your colleague makes a mistake, ‘let us move on’.

    ——

    When your opponent offers money for Singaporeans, ‘this is pork-barrel politics’.

    When you offer multi-million projects – if and only if elected -, ‘it is only right that those who vote for us get these benefits’.

    ——

    When your opponent allegedly indulges in unacceptable behaviour, ‘this is a question of integrity!’

    When your own allegedly indulges in unacceptable behaviour, ‘the mistake was made in good faith’.

    ——

    When your opponents speak up a lot in ‘they didn’t speak enough’.

    When you speak up just once, ‘it was one too many’.

    —–

    When you speak rationally, ‘we need to have the GRCs to ensure minority representation’.

    When you are in la la land, ‘there are no minorities in Singapore: every Singaporean belongs to the majority.’

    —–

    When your opponent changes constituencies, ‘these people are nomads’.

    When son of punggol becomes son-in-law of AMK, son of Hougang is nowhere to be seen, son of Joo Chiat migrates to Punggol, and daughter of Jurong moves to Marsiling, ‘this is strategy’.

    —–

    When comparisons with other countries do not work in your favour, ‘Singapore is a city-state. We cannot compare with other countries. We are unique.’

    When comparisons seemingly work in your favour, ‘Heng ahhhhh!’

    Unfortunately, this is politics.

     

    Source: Walid J. Abdullah

  • Singapore’s Election May Hurt The PM But The Government Is Safe

    Singapore’s Election May Hurt The PM But The Government Is Safe

    As Singapore goes to the polls in a general election on 11 September 2015, the contending parties appear to be heading for a showdown over the timeframe by which the government should be judged. The government wants voters to judge it based on its record over 50 years or more; the opposition says it should be judged based on the last decade.

    The reason for the differing perspectives is not difficult to understand.

    Judging the government over 50 years leads to a narrative of success: how the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) government took Singapore from its starting point as a post-colonial city that had recently been expelled from Malaysia and turned it into a successful, modern capitalist city-state with one of the highest standards of living in Asia. This is the story of a stable, peaceful, harmonious, multiracial Singapore, where the people provide helpful feedback to the government through the government’s official outreach programs.

    But judging the government over 10 years leads to a narrative of failure: how the PAP opened the floodgates to more than a million foreign workers (on top of a population of less than four million Singaporeans); failed to lift a finger to upgrade infrastructure; failed to consider the social implications of 40 per cent of the resident population being non-Singaporean; and created a housing shortage. It is a government that cannot even make the trains run properly. A 10-year narrative is a story about the high cost of living, aloof cabinet ministers, arrogant civil servants and an insular, unaccountable government.

    In this battle of the narratives, the government has a strong head start. So far the opposition parties have barely been able to make their voices heard. Meanwhile, the PAP has spent the entire period since the death of founding father Lee Kuan Yew on 23 March ramping up the story of the Singapore government’s achievements over the last 50 years or more. The week-long mourning period after Lee’s death was very overtly a celebration of the government’s achievements over more than 50 years. And the litany of important foreign guests at Lee’s funeral was presented as a public acknowledgement of the high esteem in which Lee was held by world powers.

    This theatre proved to be a down payment on the August celebrations of Singapore’s 50th anniversary of independence — a government-funded extravaganza that dwarfed anything that the island had ever seen. This celebration concluded with the prime minister’s annual National Day Rally Speech a week later. Its focus on Singapore’s 50 years of achievement fitted the theme that had been building for the past five months, and it sounded just like an election pitch. Unsurprisingly, the election was called two days later.

    At first glance this account must read as if the PAP government holds all the cards, but this would be a misleading interpretation. Because everyone knows how strongly the deck is stacked against the opposition. Any slippage at all in government support is interpreted (correctly) as slap in the face for the PAP.

    This is exactly what happened in the 2011 general election, when the elected opposition presence in parliament increased from two seats to six (out of a total of 89) and the PAP vote slipped to a record low of 60 per cent. This result was compounded by more government defeats and near-defeats in another three electoral contests held since the 2011 election, meaning that the stakes for the government are now even higher.

    Support for the government is sitting at such a low level and the string of government defeats and near-defeats has been so consistent that anything less than improving the government’s vote and share of seats will be considered a defeat for the prime minister.

    A bad result is not going to disempower the government, but it does have the potential to disempower Lee Hsien Loong within cabinet. Lee has every reason to be confident that he will be able to step down from the post at a time of his own choosing, whether next year or in 10 years’ time, since the imperatives within Singapore’s political culture mean that it is vital to maintain the appearance of stability. Yet he also knows that if this election goes badly for him, he risks losing authority within cabinet and being a ‘lame duck’ prime minister for the rest of his term, however long that might be.

    There are strong precedents for both of these assumptions — and Lee helped set them while he was deputy prime minister to then prime minister Goh Chok Tong. As I detailed in my 2014 book, The Ruling Elite of Singapore, the combined might of Lee Kuan Yew and Lee Hsien Loong outmanoeuvred and defeated Goh in the internal machinations within cabinet in 1996, but Goh refused to step down and simply carried on as a figurehead prime minister for the next eight years, while his deputy, Lee Hsien Loong, exercised the real power.

    If the PAP emerges from the current election without clawing back at least some of the ground it has lost over the last four years, then Lee Hsien Loong risks suffering a similar fate. If that happens, then elite politics within cabinet are going to become very Byzantine indeed!

    Michael D. Barr is an associate professor of international relations at Flinders University and Editor-in-Chief of Asian Studies Review.

     

    Source: www.eastasiaforum.org

  • Singaporeans Need To Do More For The Poor

    Singaporeans Need To Do More For The Poor

    It just saddens me to see this, we had so much resources.. We held the sea games. Youth Olympics, nationals days. We bought in athletes from all over the world to represent Singapore. Spending millions and millions and millions and millions on dollar on all these.

    When other countries had some disasters, we reacted instantly to aid them. Send in rations, man power, technologies and more..

    Ministers earning millions and millions and millions of dollars. Our reserves growing and growing and growing…. I hope it’s still growing…

    Surely we can do more for the local and poor. Something that can directly help them. But these were not done or not done enough. I am not asking gov to collect more tax from us to do all these. But with the existing resources and tax collected. We already can do all these..

    I hope that day will come.

    Anonymous Concerned Citizen

    Source: www.allsingaporestuff.com

  • Chee Soon Juan – Behind The Man

    Chee Soon Juan – Behind The Man

    We wonder why Dr Chee is so desperate for Singaporeans to forget his past. What does the man have to hide? This is the strange journey of Chee Soon Juan’s rise to the top of SDP.

    March 1993
    “Varsity sacks SDP’s Dr Chee from his teaching position”
    Straits Times 31 March 1993
    Fired by NUS for misappropriation of funds and misconduct
    “The university accused Chee of using Singapore $226 (US$137) from its research grant to send his wife’s academic papers by courier service to a U.S. university.”
    –  Reuters News, 31 March 1993Maintained no wrong-doing and was fully justified in the use of funds
    “He maintained yesterday that he had done no wrong. “I do not accept and will counter whatever reason the university may have for my termination,” he said.
    –  Business Times, 31 March 1993 
    April 1993
    “SDP voices support for sacked lecturer Dr Chee”
    Straits Times, 2 April 1993 “Chee Soon Juan to go on hunger strike to protest sacking”
    Straits Times, 2 April 1993

    “Sacked Singapore lecturer sued for defamation.”
    – Reuters News, 24 April 1993

    SDP party Secretary-General Chiam See Tong signed off on a statement defending Chee“Calling for Dr Chee’s reinstatement, the SDP said it had complete confidence in his integrity and rejected allegations that his conduct was less than honest or that there was any deception on his part.”
    South China Morning Post, 3 April 1993

     Chee caught taping conversation and denying it
    “The NUS Head of Department of Social Work and Psychology disclosed that during a meeting on Dec 7 last year, the sacked neuropsychology lecturer secretly recorded their conversation.

    And he had lied when he denied doing so after Dr Vasoo noticed the tape-recorder and confronted him about it.”
    Straits Times, 3 April 1993

     Chee admits to taping conversation

    “When contacted last night, Dr Chee admitted that he had tried taping the Dec 7 conversation. He did it to protect himself against possible future action to throw him out of his job, he said.”
    Straits Times, 3 April 1993

    Staged a hunger strike to protest situation

    “Chee Soon Juan last night said he was going on a hunger strike from 6am today to protest against his dismissal from the National University of Singapore.”
     – Straits Times, 5 April 1993

     Call by public for Chee to take legal action against NUS

    “There is a big question mark over why Dr Chee refuses to challenge the university’s action in court. Does he not have faith in the system in which he wants to be a player?”
    Straits Times, 7 April 1993

    “If he feels so strongly that he was wrongfully dismissed, why can’t he take legal action against his employer? He should show the public some facts.”
    Straits Times, 8 April 1993

    Chee will not take legal action against NUS

    “”I will not go to the courts and that is as far as I can say.”
    Straits Times, 5 April 1993

     Chiam See Tong called for Chee to stop hunger strike
    “SDP secretary general Chiam See Tong said on Monday night that the party fully supported Chee in what had been a personal decision, but believed his point had been made.”
    Reuters News, 6 April 1993

     Chee drinks glucose water while on hunger strike
    “He had said he would take only plain water when he began his protest on Monday. He began taking water with glucose yesterday, but denied emphatically that it meant that he was taking a source of food with his drinks.”
    Straits Times, 7 April 1993

     Chee faces defamation lawsuits

    “Chee Soon Juan, 30, assistant secretary general of the opposition Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), said he had received a letter from lawyers for S Vasoo, his former department head at the National University of Singapore (NUS), claiming defamation and seeking a public apology and damages.”
    Reuters News, 24 April 1993

    May 1993
    Chiam to represent Chee in suit“LAWYER and Singapore Democratic Party leader Chiam See Tong will represent his party colleague, Dr Chee Soon Juan, in a defamation suit.”
    Straits Times, 2 May 1993
    June 1993
    “Chiam quit after CEC vetoed censure move”
    – Straits Times, 19 June 1993
    Chee took over Chiam to become Secretary-General of SDP“The statement came a day after Mr Chiam had revealed that the CEC had blocked him on many issues and that the differences had remained unresolved for some time now.

    He resigned as the party’s leader during a CEC meeting on May 17, when he was out-voted on a motion by him to censure Dr Chee for going on a hunger strike.”
    Straits Times, 28 June 1993

     Chiam seeks to be discharged from being Chee’s lawyer

    MR CHIAM See Tong no longer wants to represent fellow party member Dr Chee Soon Juan in the two defamation suits filed against the sacked university lecturer.”
    Straits Times, 30 June 1993

    July 1993
    “Chiam criticises Dr Chee for use of research funds for wife’s thesis”– Straits Times, 17 July 1993
    Chiam criticises Chee“MR CHIAM See Tong has accused Dr Chee Soon Juan of usurping his post in the party and challenged him to resign if he really had not sought to lead it.”
    Straits Times, 3 July 1993

     Chiam cricitises Chee for decisions on research funds and hunger strike

    “MR CHIAM See Tong, in a reversal of his earlier position, yesterday criticised his former party deputy, Dr Chee Soon Juan, for using his university research funds to send his wife’s PhD thesis to an American university.

    He said that if he were Dr Chee, he would have checked with the university first before using the money.”
    Straits Times, 17 July 1993

    “Mr Chiam slammed the hunger strike as something that should not have been carried out, as hunger strikes had little place in modern Singapore. Many members of the public had approached him to criticise Dr Chee’s move as “stupid” and “childish”, he added.”
    Straits Times, 17 July 1993

     Chee no longer assistant to Chiam
    “DR CHEE Soon Juan is no longer serving Mr Chiam See Tong as his parliamentary legislative assistant (LA).

    A Parliament spokesman yesterday confirmed that this took effect on July 1.

    It is not known whether the Potong Pasir MP, Mr Chiam, terminated Dr Chee’s services or whether Dr Chee tendered his resignation.” – Straits Times, 23 July 1993

    August 1993
    “SDP wants Chiam stripped of ‘unofficial leader’ title” – Straits Times, 3 August 1993
    Chee leads SDP to take disciplinary action against Chiam
    “THE Singapore Democratic Party’s collective leadership has asked Parliament to consider stripping its former chief Chiam See Tong of the title “unofficial leader of the opposition”.”
    Straits Times, 3 August 1993“The CEC is also planning to take disciplinary action against Mr Chiam, acting secretary-general Chee Soon Juan confirmed yesterday.”
    Straits Times, 3 August 1993

     

    SDP holds disciplinary inquiry
    “Following the disciplinary action, the CEC can either decide to demote, suspend or sack Mr Chiam.

    Under the party’s constitution, if Mr Chiam is sacked from the party, he loses his parliamentary seat of Potong Pasir.”
    Straits Times, 7 August 1993

     

    SDP sacks Chiam
    “Singapore’s longest-serving opposition member of parliament, Chiam See Tong, has been expelled from the party he founded for breaching discipline and refusing to accept collective leadership, party officials said on Saturday.

    Officials of the opposition Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) said its Central Executive Council (CEC) had expelled Chiam, the party’s former secretary-general, on Friday.”
    Reuters News, 21 August 1993

     

    Chiam does not accept sacking decision
    “”The CEC has no legal authority to sack me from the party while the authority of the leadership is being questioned by the cadres,” said Mr Chiam, who resigned as party chief in May after a squabble with CEC members, and has since criticised the leaders in public.”
    Business Times, 21 August 1993

     

    Chiam wins court order to keep seat in parliament for now
    “CHIAM SEE TONG yesterday successfully obtained a court order against the Singapore Democratic Party’s central executive committee (CEC), in effect freezing the party sacking he received last Friday and thereby keeping his seat in Parliament.”
    Business Times, 26 August 1993

     

    27 cadre members elect Chiam as head of new ‘CEC’

    “TWENTY-SEVEN cadre members of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) members voted last night at a special meeting to dissolve the party’s “collective leadership” and to elect a new CEC with Mr Chiam See Tong as its chairman.

    In a dramatic turn of events, they also passed a unanimous resolution to “retract” Mr Chiam’s expulsion from the party.”
    Straits Times, 29 August 1993

    September 1993
    “COURT ORDER AGAINST CHIAM.”
    – Business Times, 1 September 1993
    “Chiam’s SDP suit to be heard in November”
    – Straits Times, 9 September 1993
    Chee leads court order against ChiamSINGAPORE Democratic Party Acting Secretary-General Chee Soon Juan said yesterday the party had obtained a temporary court order restraining Chiam See Tong, Sin Kek Tong and nine other persons from “pretending” to be the SDP chairman, secretary-general and central executive committee members.”
    Business Times, 1 September 1993

    Chiam challenges explusion from SDP
    “THE High Court has set aside five days, from Nov 15, to hear Mr Chiam See Tong’s legal suit challenging his expulsion from the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP).”
    Straits Times, 9 September 1993

    December 1993
    “Singapore opposition MP’s expulsion illegal – court.”
    – Reuters News, 10 December 1993
    Chiam keeps parlimentary seat
    “SINGAPORE, Dec 10 (Reuters) – The High Court ruled on Friday that the                 expulsion of Singapore’s longest-serving opposition member of parliament, Chiam See Tong, from his own party in August was illegal and invalid.The ruling allows Chiam to keep his parliamentary seat.”
    – Reuters News, 10 December 1993
    January 1994
    “SDP told by landlord to quit premises”Straits Times 20 January 1994
    Despite rental arrears, Chee Soon Juan claims eviction is a political matter“Asked if he knew of the rental arrears, Dr Chee said no, but added: “In the confusion of what has been happening in the party lately, the administration has been a bit confused.”

    He also said that the move to evict the party did not come as a surprise to him as the landlord had previously expressed reservations about renting the premises to an opposition party.
    –  Straits Times, 20 January 1994

    February 1994
    “SDP politicising eviction issue, says landlord”
    –  Straits Times, 3 February 1994 “Chee abandons his defence in defamation suit”
    –  Straits Times, 18 February 1994

    SDP told to pay Chiam $33,948, or 1/3 of costs”
    –  Straits Times, 23 February 1994

    Landlord claims Chee is policising eviction issue“I do not agree with and dislike the SDP for ‘politicising’ the whole matter when the simple truth of the matter is that they had failed to pay rent for two months. I feel that SDP is using the matter and me to elicit whatever little political sympathy…”
    –  Straits Times, 3 February 1994

    Chee drops defence in defamation suit

    “OPPOSITION politician Chee Soon Juan has abandoned his defence in a                 defamation suit brought against him by his former boss and an MP for                 Tanjong Pagar GRC, Dr S. Vasoo.

    His decision to do so is, in effect, an admission that he has defamed Dr Vasoo.”
    –  Straits Times, 18 February 1994

    SDP to pay costs to Chiam
    “THE High Court yesterday fixed the costs in Mr Chiam See Tong’s recent   successful suit against the Singapore Democratic Party at $101,845,                 including disbursements.”
    –  Straits Times, 23 February 1994

    April 1994
    “Singapore opposition politician fined for libel.”– Reuters News, 15 April 1994
    Chee to pay fines for defamation “THE High Court yesterday awarded Dr S. Vasoo $210,000 in damages in                 his defamation suit against Dr Chee Soon Juan over remarks made by the latter after Parliament had debated his sacking by the National University of Singapore last year.”
    – Straits Times, 16 April 1994

     

    Do you trust him enough to empower him to be your voice in parliament?

     

    Source: https://thoughtsofrealsingaporeans.wordpress.com

     

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