Tag: Singaporeans

  • Queue Starts From Padang Today Onwards

    Queue Starts From Padang Today Onwards

    From 7am on Thursday (Mar 26), those wishing to pay final respects to Mr Lee Kuan Yew at Parliament House should start lining up from the Padang.

    A statement from the State Funeral Organising Committee said the public is advised to take public transport. “There will be a special lane at the Padang for the elderly, pregnant women, school children, families with children under 6-years-old and those with special needs,” the committee said.

    “In view of the large crowd, a long waiting time can be expected. We seek the understanding of members of public to remain orderly and be patient, and to follow the directions of the marshals on the ground. Ground personnel will be distributing water to those waiting in line,” it added.

    On Wednesday, tens of thousands queued up for hours in the hot sun, in lines snaking across Boat Quay to Hong Lim Park. What started out as three lines merged into one, and due to the overwhelming number of people, visitors were told not to bow in front of the coffin of Mr Lee, but to move along.

    The waiting time for visitors at times went up to eight hours on Wednesday. As of midnight, it was down to 2.5 to 3 hours, after the committee announced Parliament House would remain open 24 hours, daily till 8pm on Saturday.

    As of 10pm on Wednesday, 37,022 visitors have paid respects to Mr Lee Kuan Yew at Parliament House; 36,200 condolence cards issued, the Government said.

     

    Source: www.channelnewsasia.com

  • MRT Train Services To Run 24 Hrs Today

    MRT Train Services To Run 24 Hrs Today

    MRT train services will run for 24 hours on Wednesday, so the public can travel to Parliament House to pay their respects to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew.

    This will be in line with the round-the-clock extended opening hours of the lying in state at Parliament House till 8pm on March 28.

    On Wednesday, massive queues of people waiting to enter Parliament House formed around the civic district, stretching up to the Boat Quay area.

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com

  • Teo Ser Luck Tribute Workout For Lee Kuan Yew Draws Flak From Netizens

    Teo Ser Luck Tribute Workout For Lee Kuan Yew Draws Flak From Netizens

    In a Facebook post, Minister of State for Trade and Industry Teo Ser Luck dedicated a workout he just completed to former Prime Minister Mr Lee Kuan Yew, which he created and named “LKY91″, as a tribute to the elderly statesman who passed away on Monday, 23 March.

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    The contentious Facebook post that attracted flak from netizens

    Mr Teo’s tribute, however, did not go down too well among his fans. When the Strait Times later shared his post, the number of commenters who felt that the ‘tribute’ was “distasteful” also grew in number. In fact, it drew so much flak that he deleted the post soon after.

    Some, like Mr Benny and Ms Li also drew comparisons between Ministers who were under Mr Lee Kuan Yew’s Government and the current slate of Ministers and lamented at the “type of Ministers we have now.”

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    Ms Li also added that, in her opinion, Mr Lee Kuan Yew would “prefer ministers to think of ways to improve the country, rather than waste time.”

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    “Your pay this month should be $91,” another comment read.

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    Others remarked that it represented nothing less than an act of “personal glorification” and “self promotion.”

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    Others who were evidently infuriated by the Minister’s post suggested that Mr Teo should head to “Pinnacle @ Duxton and shout his (Mr Lee’s) name 91 times.”

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    This, of course, was a sarcastic reference to a PAP Rally in 2011 where, in an effort to rally the crowd, Mr Teo called for supporters to give three cheers to his fellow party members and himself.

    Teo Ser Luck speaking at the abovementioned PAP Rally in 2011
    Teo Ser Luck speaking at the aforementioned PAP Rally in 2011

     

    Source: www.theonlinecitizen.com

  • Lee Kuan Yew’s Political Legacy – A Matter Of Trust

    Lee Kuan Yew’s Political Legacy – A Matter Of Trust

    As Singaporeans mourn their charismatic leader Lee Kuan Yew (LKY), whose political acumen, drive and ideas defined the young nation and played a major role in its successful development, attention turns to assessment. Moments of transition always bring reflection, and this is especially the case with the passing of the man who both personified and defined Singapore. The fact that LKY has passed on in the pivotal year of the nation celebrating the country’s 50th anniversary only serves to reinforce the need for review.

    There is good reason to acknowledge the accolades of a man who has been labeled as one of Asia’s most influential leaders. Most of the media, especially in the government-linked media of Singapore, lay out these reasons well. LKY was a force to be reckoned with, a complex man who made no excuses in his views and was direct in stating his opinions. He trusted few, but chose to collaborate with those who shared his hard work ethic with talent and ideas to develop the busy port of Singapore into a safe dynamic cosmopolitan city-state. He will rightly be remembered for not only putting Singapore on the world map, but as a model that is admired and respected by many the world over.

    LKY was a man who was respected, but importantly not loved by all. He used fear to stay in power. From the inception of Singapore’s independence – when it was expelled from Malaysia – the ideas of ‘vulnerability’ and ‘survival’ were used to justify decisions. He promoted the idea that Singapore had to have a strong armed forces, requiring national service in 1967, to protect itself as a nation surrounded by the perceived threat of its Malay neighbors. The enemies outside were matched by those inside, who had to be displaced and in some cases detained.  Among the most controversial were the arrests of men labeled as communists in Operation Coldstore of 1963 and Operation Spectrum of 1987 (a.k.a. the ‘Marxist Conspiracy’) that targeted social activists who promoted greater social equality and were seen as challenging LKY’s People’s Action Party’s (PAP) authority. Two other round-ups occurred with Operation Pecah (Split) in 1966, which coincided with the year of the arrest of Dr. Chia Thye Poh who was held under detention and restriction until 1997, and the arrests of the ‘Eurocommunists’ in 1976-77. Many others from opposition politics, business to academia faced the wrath for challenging and questioning LKY, his PAP and the politicized decisions of its institutions, castigated in the government controlled media, removed from position, forced to live in exile and, in some cases, sued and bankrupted. In the relatively small city state, it did not take much to instill a political culture of fear by making a few examples.

    A main point of contention goes that LKY sparred with Western critics over democracy and human rights, with LKY dismissing these ideas as not part of ‘Asia’s values.’ The debate was never about differences in values, but the justification of holding power in the hands of a few for nearly five decades. Singapore’s political model is at its foundation about the elites, with Lee, his family and loyalists at the core. In recent years, reports in Singapore have highlighted a growing trust deficit in the PAP government that LKY founded. The real deficit that defined LKY and became embedded within the party he molded is that he never fundamentally trusted his people.

    The group that received the special focus of LKY’s distrust was the Malay population, who now comprise over 10% of the country’s population. Even as LKY matured as a politician, he continued to reinforce negative stereotypes of this community that rioted over their grievances in 1950, 1964 and 1969 when LKY was in his early years in power, and with whom he expressed hard judgments about their religion, Islam. This distrust was shaped in part by a worldview that was not only shaped by his early experiences in political life but had sharp racial cleavages, drew from eugenics and believed in a clear social order. Part of LKY’s outlook prioritized women as homemakers and disparaged single women who opted not to marry or follow a career – another group similar to Malays that faced discrimination within LKY’s Singapore.

    In the heyday of Singapore’s economic miracle, the 1970s through the 1990s, the LKY PAP government worked to win over the trust of its people. It did so by providing for the basic welfare of its citizens, with an impressive housing program, affordable food prices, a living wage, job security, safety, education and opportunity. This involved hard work of LKY’s founding team of PAP cadre, as well as the sacrifice of ordinary Singaporeans. It also reflected the wise realization of LKY that fear was not enough to stay in power. There needed to be a healthy balance of deliverables. The LKY decades of economic growth translated into real rewards – at least through the 1980s.

    Singapore’s trajectory of sharing the benefits of development has followed a pattern of diminishing returns, as the country now boasts the highest per capita of millionaires and is the world’s most expensive city, with a large number its citizens unable to save and afford the lifestyle promised in the nation’s early narrative. As much as LKY deserves credit for Singapore’s success, he also should be seen to be part of today’s shortcomings. Elitism has breed arrogance, and a distance between those in power and those governed. Most of the new leaders of the PAP have come from subsequent wealthy generations that do not fully understand the sacrifices of the country’s working poor – shocking in number – and the obstacles elderly and young people face in an era of high costs. Years of following the LKY’s example and being told that the PAP is made up of the ‘best and brightest’ has imbued a mindset of superiority, a lack of empathy, and frequent dismissal of difference in engagement with the public.

    While LKY’s son Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has worked to win over support, he has suffered consecutive drops of support in the two elections he has led since he assumed office, failing to match the 75% popular vote height of the predecessor Goh Chok Tong in 2001. Unlike in the information controlled era of his father, Lee Hsien Loong is not able to effectively censor and limit public discussions in today’s wired and connected Singapore.  His recent expansion of social services and incentive packages that provide small sums for pensioners, modest support for health and childcare and tax reductions for the middle class are a drop in the bucket for the growing grievances and costs faced by ordinary citizens.

    This has to do in part with the challenge Lee Hsien Loong faces in dealing with his father’s legacy. In 2007 LKY claimed that he governed without ideology. This was not quite true. The ideological foundation of LKY’s pragmatic tenure was materialism. This obsession with money, saving it and forcing the public to save it in rigid regulated ways, assuring that government funds were only given to those ‘worthy’ and loyal and defining the value of the performance of his government ministers by pegging their salaries to growth numbers comprised the lifeblood of LKY’s state. With annual ‘bonuses’ to perform, there is a focus on short-term gains rather than long-term investments. The irony is that it is not even clear how much money the government of Singapore and its linked companies actually have. Singapore is one of the few countries in the world that does not follow the International Monetary Fund guidelines on its budget reporting. It also does not transparently report losses in many of the financial accounts of the government linked companies (GLCs). Lee Hsien Loong has had to tackle head-on the ingrained pattern of limited government spending on social welfare and services, as he attempts to move away from his father’s restrictive parsimony and secretive mindset that originated from a lack of trust in people.

    Lee Hsien Loong also has to address the problems of a government dominated economy. Singapore Inc. emerged out of the political economy LKY put in place, with the government and its linked companies controlling over half the country’s economy and undercutting almost all domestic business. LKY did not trust local capital, and did not want to strengthen an alternative power center to his own. As such, Singapore’s economy is not a genuinely competitive one. It favors big business, especially property developers, and those allied with government rather than independent entrepreneurs. Those in the system have apparently disproportionately benefited from it, although the exact amounts and assets remain unknown. The accumulated assets of individuals remain hidden as the estate tax was removed in 2008. What is known is that workers have limited rights in the LKY-shaped political economy. A recent example is the sexual harassment bill passed in parliament that excludes employer liability. The harsh response to the bus driver strike in 2012 is another. Much is made about the limited corruption of Singapore, but few appreciate that the country ranks high on theEconomist crony-capitalism index, an important outgrowth of the government dominance of the economy. The ties between companies and government are close, at times with government and family members on their boards and a revolving door that never really closes.

    Singapore’s economy also favors foreigners. LKY was to start this trend, with the appeal to outsiders for capital rather than a focus on domestic business. Foreigners may have been easier to engage, as they could always be kicked out. Foreign investment has been extremely important in Singapore’s growth numbers initially in manufacturing and later in services. To maintain global competitiveness, keep wages low and maintain high growth numbers, Singapore also turned to foreign labor – cheap workers to staff their construction sectors and to work as domestic help and foreign talent to bring in ideas and the occasional sports medal. This prioritization of outsiders has fostered resentment. When LKY assumed office he worked to force a nation, but with his passing many in Singapore feel the government he left behind is working for others and undermining the fabric of the nation. The crowded trains, strain on services and displacement of Singaporeans in the job market and advancement have angered many, who now see LKY’s legacy as one that in fact left many Singaporeans vulnerable and worried about survival.

    No one can take away LKY’s contributions. He lived a long meaningful life, and shaped the lives of all Singaporeans. This does not mean that there is agreement on what he left behind. Singapore now faces the challenge of moving beyond LKY’s ideas and shaping a more promising future for all of its citizens. An integral part of this dynamic will be moving away from fear, promoting more effective policies for inclusion in the economy and society and building trust. It starts with placing more trust in Singaporeans.

    It is arguably the latter that is the hardest. LKY lived in an era where societies trusted their leaders. He was given the benefit of the doubt. The PAP remains a relatively closed institution, with the distrust of those not inside deeply embedded. Today in the age of social media and instant messaging there is not as much leeway to work behind closed doors. There is an urgent need to forge genuine dialogue, connectivity and understanding that moves beyond materialism, and reignites the sense of belonging that LKY forged in his early years.

    Singapore today has become a more politically divided nation, with those who strongly defend LKY’s incumbent government, die-hard opponents and the majority in the middle. As the country marks its 50th year it moves toward a different narrative, the task at hand is to forge a new Singapore story, one in which LKY is a valued part of its past, but not a constraint on the dreams and aspirations of Singaporeans’ future.

    Bridget Welsh is a Senior Research Associate of the Center for East Asia Democratic Studies of the National Taiwan University where she conducts research on democracy and politics in Southeast Asia.

     

    Source: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au

  • Lee Kuan Yew And His Red Box

    Lee Kuan Yew And His Red Box

    Education Minister Heng Swee Keat has posted an essay about former Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew and his unwavering dedication to Singapore.

    Citing the red box — a boxy briefcase that held what Mr Lee was working on at any one time — to showcase Mr Lee’s commitment to the Republic, Mr Heng, who was Mr Lee’s Principal Private Secretary from 1997 to 2000, wrote: “Mr Lee was well-known for keeping extremely alert to everything he saw and heard around him – when he noticed something wrong, like an ailing raintree, a note in the red box would follow.” Mr Heng described his personal experiences with Mr Lee, and shared anecdotes about Mr and Mrs Lee.

    He ended off his essay saying: “This year, Singapore turns 50. Mr Lee would have turned 92 this September. Mr Lee entered the hospital on 5 February 2015. He continued to use his red box every day until 4 February 2015.”

    Here is Mr Heng’s essay in full:

    Mr Lee’s Red Box

    by Minister Heng Swee Keat

    Mr Lee Kuan Yew had a red box. When I worked as Mr Lee’s Principal Private Secretary, or PPS, a good part of my daily life revolved around the red box. Before Mr Lee came in to work each day, the locked red box would arrive first, at about 9am.

    As far as the various officers who had worked with Mr Lee could remember, he had it for many, many years. It is a large, boxy briefcase, about 14cm wide. Red boxes came from the British government, whose ministers used them for transporting documents between Government offices. Our early ministers had red boxes, but Mr Lee is the only one I know who used his consistently through the years. When I started working for Mr Lee in 1997, it was the first time I saw a red box in use. It is called the red box, but it is more a deep wine colour, like the seats in the chamber in Parliament House.

    This red box held whatever Mr Lee was working on at any one time. Through the years, it held his papers, speech drafts, letters, readings and a whole range of questions, reflections and observations. For example, in the years that he was working on his memoirs, the red box carried multiple early drafts back and forth between his home and the office, scribbled over with his and Mrs Lee’s notes.

    For a long time, other regular items in Mr Lee’s red box were the cassette tapes that held his dictated instructions and thoughts for later transcription. Some years back, he switched to a digital recorder.

    The red box carried a wide range of items. It could be communications with foreign leaders, observations about the financial crisis, instructions for the Istana grounds staff or even questions about some trees he had seen on the expressway. Mr Lee was well known for keeping extremely alert to everything he saw and heard around him. When he noticed something wrong, like an ailing rain tree, a note in the red box would follow.

    We could never anticipate what Mr Lee would raise — it could be anything that was happening in Singa­pore or around the world. But we could be sure of this: It would always be about how events could affect Singapore and Singaporeans, and how we had to stay a step ahead. Inside the red box was always something about how we could create a better life for all.

    We would get to work right away. Mr Lee’s secretaries would transcribe his dictated notes, while I followed up on instructions that required coordination across multiple government agencies. Our aim was to do as much as we could by the time Mr Lee came into the office later.

    While we did this, Mr Lee would be working from home. For example, during the period when I worked with him (from 1997 to 2000), the Asian Financial Crisis ravaged many economies in our region and unleashed political changes. It was a tense period, as no one could tell how events would unfold. Often, I would get a call from him to check certain facts or arrange meetings with financial experts.

    In the years that I worked for him, Mr Lee’s daily breakfast was a bowl of dou hua (soft bean curd) with no syrup. It was picked up and brought home in a tiffin carrier every morning, from a food centre near Mr Lee’s home. He washed it down with room temperature water. Mr Lee did not take coffee or tea at breakfast.

    When Mr Lee came into the office, the work that had come earlier in the red box would be ready for his review and he would have a further set of instructions for our action.

    From that point on, the work day would run its normal course. Mr Lee read the documents and papers, cleared his emails and received official calls by visitors. I was privileged to sit in on every meeting he conducted. He would later ask me what I thought of the meetings — it made me very attentive to every word that was said and I learnt much from him.

    Evening was Mr Lee’s exercise time. Mr Lee had described his extensive and disciplined exercise regime elsewhere. It included the treadmill, rowing, swimming and walking — with his ears peeled to the evening news or his Mandarin practice tapes. He would sometimes take phone calls while exercising.

    He was in his 70s then. In more recent years, being less stable on his feet, Mr Lee had a simpler exercise regime. But he continued to exercise. Since retiring as Minister Mentor in 2011, he had been more relaxed during his exercises. Instead of listening intently to the news or taking phone calls, he shared personal stories and joked with his staff.

    While he exercised, those of us in the office would use that time to focus once again on the red box, to get ready all the day’s work for Mr Lee to take home with him in the evening. Based on the day’s events and instructions, I tried to get ready the materials that Mr Lee might need. It sometimes took longer than I expected and, occasionally, I had to ask the security officer to come back for the red box later.

    While Mrs Lee was still alive, she would drop by the Istana at the end of the day  to catch a few minutes together with Mr Lee, just to sit and look at the Istana trees that they both loved. They chatted about what many other old couples would talk about. They discussed what they should have for dinner or how their grandchildren were doing.

    Then back home went Mr Lee, Mrs Lee and the red box. After dinner, the couple liked to take a long stroll. During his days as Prime Minister, while Mrs Lee strolled, Mr Lee liked to ride a bicycle. It was, in the words of those who saw it, “one of those old-man bicycles”. None of us who have worked at the Istana can remember him ever changing his bicycle. He did not use it in his later years as he became frail, but I believe the old-man bicycle is still around somewhere.

    After his dinner and evening stroll, Mr Lee would get back to work. That was when he would open the red box and work his way through what we had put into it in the office.

    Mr Lee’s study was converted out of his son’s old bedroom. His work table was a simple, old wooden table with a piece of clear glass placed over it. Slipped under the glass are family memorabilia, including a picture of Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong from his National Service days. When Mrs Lee was around, she stayed up reading while Mr Lee worked. They liked to put on classical music while they stayed up.

    In his days as Prime Minister, Mr Lee’s average bedtime was 3.30am. As Senior Minister and Minister Mentor, he went to sleep after 2am. If he had to travel for an official visit the next day, he might go to bed at 1am to 2am.

    Deep into the night, while the rest of Singapore slept, it was common for Mr Lee to be in full work mode.

    Before he went to bed, Mr Lee would put everything he had completed back in the red box, with clear pointers on what he wished for us to do in the office. The last thing he did each day was place the red box outside his study room. The next morning, the duty security team would pick up the red box, bring it to us waiting in the office and a new day would begin.

    Let me share two other stories involving the red box.

    In 1996, Mr Lee underwent balloon angioplasty to insert a stent. It was his second heart operation in two months, after an earlier operation to widen a coronary artery did not work. After the operation, he was put in the intensive care unit for observation. When he regained consciousness and could sit up in bed, he asked for his security team. The security officer hurried into the room to find out what was needed. Mr Lee asked: “Can you pass me the red box?”

    Even at that point, Mr Lee’s first thought was to continue working. The security officer rushed the red box in and Mr Lee asked to be left to his work. The nurses told the security team that other patients of his age, in his condition, would just rest. Mr Lee was 72 at the time.

    In 2010, Mr Lee was hospitalised again, this time for a chest infection. While he was in the hospital, Mrs Lee passed away. Mr Lee had spoken about his grief at Mrs Lee’s passing. As soon as he could, he left the hospital to attend the wake at Sri Temasek.

    Mr Lee was under doctor’s orders to return to the hospital at the end of the night. But he asked his security team if they could take him to the Singapore River instead. It was late in the night and Mr Lee was in mourning. His security team hastened to give a bereaved husband a quiet moment to himself.

    As he walked slowly along the bank of the Singapore River, the way he and Mrs Lee sometimes did when she was alive, he paused. He beckoned a security officer over. Then he pointed out some trash floating on the river and asked: “Can you take a photo of that? I’ll tell my PPS what to do about it tomorrow.” Photo taken, he returned to the hospital.

    I was no longer Mr Lee’s PPS at the time. I had moved on to the Monetary Authority of Singapore to continue with the work to strengthen our financial regulatory system that Mr Lee had started in the late 1990s. But I can guess that Mr Lee probably had some feedback on keeping the Singapore River clean. I can also guess that the picture and the instructions were ferried in the red box the next morning to the office. Even as Mr Lee lay in the hospital. Even as Mrs Lee lay in state.

    The security officers with Mr Lee were deeply touched. When I heard about these moments, I was also moved.

    I have taken some time to describe Mr Lee’s red box. The reason is that, for me, it symbolises his unwavering dedication to Singapore so well. The diverse contents it held tell us much about the breadth of his concerns, from the very big to the very small; the daily routine of the red box tells us how his life revolved around making Singapore better, in ways big and small.

    By the time I served Mr Lee, he was the Senior Minister. Yet, he continued to devote all his time to thinking about the future of Singapore. I could only imagine what he was like as Prime Minister. In policy and strategy terms, he was always driving himself, me and all our colleagues to think about what each trend and development meant for Singapore and how we should respond to them in order to secure Singapore’s well-being and success.

    As his PPS, I saw the punishing pace of work that Mr Lee had set himself. I had a boss whose every thought and every action was for Singapore.

    But it takes private moments like these to bring home just how entirely Mr Lee devoted his life to Singapore.

    In fact, I think the best description comes from the security officer who was with Mr Lee both of those times. He was on Mr Lee’s team for almost 30 years. He said: “Mr Lee is always country, country, country. And country.”

    This year, Singapore turns 50. Mr Lee would have turned 92 in September. He entered the hospital on Feb 5. He continued to use his red box every day until Feb 4.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

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