Tag: Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib

  • Islam Nusantara – Islam Yang Ramah, Bukan Marah-Marah

    Islam Nusantara – Islam Yang Ramah, Bukan Marah-Marah

    Rantau Asia Tenggara sejak kebelakangan ini turut menjadi medan perselisihan fahaman agama yang mencetuskan pelbagai tanggapan tidak tepat terhadap Islam di rantau ini. Sekiranya keadaan ini tidak ditangani dengan betul ia boleh menjejas keharmonian dan ketenteraman agama baik sesama umat Islam ataupun dengan bukan Islam. Aktivis silang agama Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib menerangkan bagaimana konsep Islam Nusantara yang kini semakin mendapat perhatian boleh memulihkan perwajahan Islam di rantau ini sebagai agama yang seimbang, sederhana dan toleran.

    Sekitar tiga tahun lalu, saya terkesan dengan kata-kata ini: “Jika ketemu ulama yang tidak toleran, itu bererti ilmunya masih dangkal.” Ia diucapkan oleh Kiyai Haji Mustafa Abdullah Nuh yang memimpin Yayasan Islamic Centre (YIC) Al-Ghazaly di Bogor, Indonesia. Dengan raut wajah yang tenang dan kata-kata yang penuh hikmah, KH Mustafa menceritakan bagaimana ajaran-ajaran Islam menjurus kepada perdamaian dan toleransi antara dan sesama umat. Beliau merupakan anak kepada pengasas pesantren dan majlis ta’lim Imam al-Ghazali di Bogor – seorang tokoh ulama tersohor di rantau ini, KH Abdullah Nuh (1905-1987). Tokoh ini pernah menulis risalah berjudul Ukhuwah Islamiyah (“Persaudaraan Islam”) pada tahun 1925 yang menyeru kepada kesatuan umat kerana “Kita sama-sama bernaung di bawah langit kemanusian yang sempurna.” Walaupun berfahaman Sunni dan bermazhab Syafi’i, KH Abdullah sangat menghormati perbezaan. Malah, beliau pernah dituduh sebagai Syiah kerana menulis syair berjudul “Wahai Sayyidina Husain” sebagai sanjungannya terhadap Ahlul Bait (keluarga Nabi Muhammad). Baginya, perbezaan di kalangan umat Islam hanya bersangkutan isu-isu ranting (furu’iyyah) dan tidak menyentuh persoalan pokok, iaitu keimanan kepada Tuhan yang Esa serta ketaatan kepada Rasulullah dan wahyu al-Qur’an.

    Sikap toleransi akan perbezaan seperti yang dihayati oleh KH Abdullah Nuh, merupakan salah satu ciri keberagamaan yang sangat ketara di rantau ini. Semenjak beberapa tahun lalu, beberapa sarjana telah cuba merumuskan wajah keberislaman ini. Makanya, ditemukan istilah “Islam Nusantara” yang semakin kerap dibincangkan. Menurut Zainul Milal Bizawie di dalam bukunya Masterpiece Islam Nusantara (2016), Islam Nusantara adalah corak mempraktikkan Islam yang menggabungkan ajaran-ajaran Islam dengan kearifan tradisi-tradisi setempat secara bertahap (tadriji), sambil memberatkan nilai-nilai Islam seperti tawasuth (moderat), tawazun (seimbang) dan tasamuh (toleran). Pesan utama yang mengalir darinya ialah Islam rahmatan lil alamin (rahmat bagi seluruh alam). Inilah yang dipertahankan oleh para ulama Nusantara semenjak datangnya Islam ke rantau ini.

    KEUNIKAN ISLAM NUSANTARA

    Berbeza dari kawasan lain di dunia Islam, pengislaman rantau ini tidak melalui ekspansi empayar dinasti Arab melalui penjajahan. Oleh itu, keunikan Islam Nusantara adalah pembenturan budaya-budaya besar, baik dari Barat mahupun Timur, yang kemudiannya diberi nafas Islam yang menurut KH Said Aqil Siraj, ketua umum Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama, merupakan manifestasi “prinsip jalan tengah” yang digambarkan al-Qur’an sebagai ummatan wasatan (umat yang moderat) dan khaira ummah (umat yang sebaiknya). Seperti mana terlihat di dalam dakwah Islam para wali, khususnya di Tanah Jawa, tiga prinsip diterapkan, yakni tadriji (bertahap), taqlilut taklif (memperingan beban) dan ‘adamul haraj (tidak menyakiti).

    Penting dinyatakan bahawa Islam Nusantara bukanlah sebuah mazhab melainkan suatu pendekatan di dalam beragama. Jika boleh dirumuskan, karakter umum Islam Nusantara ialah kontekstualisasi ajaran dan nilai Islam. Kita tidak harus meninggalkan khazanah budaya dan kearifan setempat yang menjadi tali kesinambungan identiti kita dari masa lampau hingga ke zaman moden ini. Sekiranya budaya dan kearifan setempat ini diluputkan, pasti akan terjadi kekosongan yang akan diisi dengan faham dan praktik keagamaan yang mungkin tidak sesuai dan mendatangkan mudarat. Ini yang terjadi pada waktu ideologi seperti ‘khilafah Islamiyah’ cuba dibangkitkan di rantau ini kerana pengaruh dari gerakan-gerakan radikal seperti Hizbut Tahrir dan Katibah Nusantara yang mempolitikkan Islam dan buta sejarah. Walhal, penerimaan terhadap konsep negara-bangsa (nation-state) sudah dituntaskan oleh para ulama semenjak awal abad kedua puluh.

    Sebagai contoh, perbincangan hangat antara Tjokroaminoto, KH Hasyim Asy’ari dan KH Wahab Hasbullah berakhir pada Muktamar Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) ke-9 di Banjarmasin pada tahun 1935 yang memutuskan NU tidak akan mendirikan negara Islam. Para ulama NU waktu itu sepakat bahawa status dar Islam (wilayah Islam) tidak tercabut walaupun mereka telah dijajah oleh Belanda. Dar Islam ini dibezakan dari daulah Islamiyah (pemerintahan Islam), seperti yang dikutip dari kitab Bughyatul Mustarsyidin oleh Sayyid Abdurrahman bin Muhammad, atau dikenali sebagai Syeikh Ba’alawi. Dari keputusan ulama NU ini, dibangunkan konsep jumhuriyah Indonisiyah yang merangkumi keragaman budaya, suku dan agama. Oleh itu, penerimaan prinsip nasionalisme dan lebih khususnya, Pancasila bagi negara Indonesia, tidak mendatangkan permasalahan teologi. Seperti yang ditegaskan mantan ketua umum NU (1984-1991) KH Ahmad Siddiq, dar Islam bukanlah sistem politik atau ketatanegaraan; maka ianya bukan konsep Negara Islam. Yang diberatkan di dalam dar Islam ialah kesatuan mendukung kebebasan mempraktikkan agama, ketertiban masyarakat, maslahat umum dan nilai-nilai murni seperti keadilan dan kesaksamaan. Makanya, umat Islam wajib melawan anasir-anasir yang cuba merosakkan kesatuan ini, seperti mana yang dilakukan oleh kelompok radikal, Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) dan Darul Islam/Tentera Islam Indonesia (DI/TII) pada dekad-dekad setelah kemerdekaan.

    PERKUAT SEMANGAT DAMAI

    Ijtihad politik seperti ini penting dikaji dan diketahui umum, terutama di dalam situasi masa kini. Ianya merupakan landasan substantif di dalam menggali pesan-pesan agama dan meletakkannya di dalam konteks masyarakat secara konkrit. Di dalam situasi kebimbangan global akan terorisme berbasis agama, para ulama dan pemikir masyarakat harus memainkan peranan seperti mana yang dilakukan oleh para ulama dan sarjana Islam masa lalu. Maka tidak hairanlah, istilah Islam Nusantara yang berwajah rahmatan lil alamin ini mula dicanangkan di peringkat global, terutama oleh NU pada tahun lalu. Sebagai organisasi Islam terbesar di dunia, posisi NU sangat penting di dalam menjaga nilai-nilai tawasuth (moderat), tawazun (seimbang) dan tasamuh (toleran) ini. Nilai-nilai ini telah melalui proses yang disebut oleh seorang ulama dan mantan Presiden Indonesia, Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) sebagai “pribumisasi Islam”. Melalui proses ini, Islam Nusantara – yang sebenarnya merangkumi daerah seluruh Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapura, Brunei, daerah Patani, Mindanao dan Champa – menjadi zon kebudayaan Islam yang tidak kalah hebatnya dari Islam yang sering terlihat di Timur Tengah. Mungkin potensi inilah yang harus dikembangkan demi memperkuatkan semangat perdamaian dan merawat toleransi yang mula lusuh dengan merebaknya fahaman-fahaman radikal di rantau ini.

    Peranan seperti ini sudah dimulai oleh sebuah pesantren yang pernah saya kunjungi: Pesantren Darul Uloom di Bogor yang dipimpin Kiyai Nasrudin. Pesantren ini berfungsi sebagai pusat deradikalisasi bagi mereka yang mahu menghapuskan pandangan puritan ‘hitam-putih’ yang merupakan sudut ekstrem yang lari dari keragaman yang ada sebagai rahmat di dalam Islam. Saya turut berjumpa dan mewawancarai mantan aktivis Negara Islam Indonesia (NII), Mataharitimoer yang menemukan Islam yang damai di pesantren itu. Mataharitimoer pernah menulis kisahnya di dalam sebuah novel berjudul Jihad Terlarang. Kiyai Nasrudin, yang membimbing Mataharitimoer keluar dari fahaman ekstremnya, sering mengutip istilah yang digunakan oleh Gus Dur: “Kita mahukan Islam yang ramah, bukan Islam yang marah-marah”. Inilah yang menjadi ciri khas Islam Nusantara yang harus dikembangkan semula. Sewaktu berdiskusi, saya sempat bertanyakan kepada Kiyai Nasrudin apakah sikapnya terhadap orang yang suka mengkafirkan yang lain. Dengan tenang, beliau berkata, “Saya lebih dekat pada orang yang dikafirkan daripada mereka yang mengkafirkan. Kerana orang yang mengkafirkan adalah orang yang sombong (mustakbirin) sementara orang yang dikafirkan adalah orang yang ditindas.” Walau sederhana, kalimah ini sudah cukup menjelaskan hikmah seorang ulama yang memegang erat akan nilai-nilai keislaman di dalam menjaga persaudaraan, bersikap tawaduk dan tegas di dalam sikap adil kepada semua, walaupun berbeza pendapat. Inilah wajah Islam Nusantara yang dapat menjadi penawar atau antidot terhadap ekstremisme agama waktu ini.

    MENGENAI PENULIS:

    Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib seorang aktivis silang agama dan pengasas Leftwrite Centre, sebuah inisiatif dialog untuk golongan muda profesional. 

    Source: http://berita.mediacorp.sg

  • The ‘Fundamentalists’ and the ‘Progressives’

    walid Jumblatt
    Of late, the Muslim ‘Progressives’ in Singapore have been more vocal and assertive; and I welcome this. Previously, they worked behind the scenes and used to detest being labeled as ‘liberal Muslims’ and the like. It is high time they ‘came out of the closet’ and clearly spell out their beliefs and agenda, so that the Muslim community can assess them properly.
    (note: we must exercise caution in using the ‘liberal’ or ‘progressive’ label against Muslims we disagree with. I am just appropriating the term that some of them have preferred to use to describe themselves).So the narrative being espoused now is that there are some ‘fundamentalists’ within the Muslim community, and, in my opinion quite humourously, they look to the state to ensure that these ‘fundamentalists’ do not threaten the ‘secular’ nature of the state. The #wearwhite campaign is the ‘poster boy’ for what they would term as rising Islamic religious assertiveness.

    Firstly let us not obfuscate the facts: the #wearwhite campaign was a call for the Muslim community, to return to fitrah, or the state of purity. It was a peaceful campaign, done in the spirit of compassion and love, and intended to include and not alienate any Muslim, however far from the faith they may be. The campaign was not motivated by events in neighbouring countries, it was not meant to interfere in the political or public policy realm, it was not meant to discriminate against anyone: it was a call to return to purity, i reiterate. This is quite a simple point that i think has either been genuinely misunderstood or adroitly manipulated by the ‘progressive Muslims’. Does not matter; i hope this clarifies it.

    Rather than get into a definitional debate about the problematic terms (‘fundamentalist’, ‘progressive’ etc) that have been thrown about recklessly in mainstream and social media, i have a few questions for these self-proclaimed Muslim progressives.

    1) What is your agenda or end-goal? Please spell it out properly.

    2) What is your position on issues such as homosexual acts and the hijab in Islamic jurisprudence? Please be straightforward and do not skirt the issue. Your positions seem to be ever-changing on these, so it would help to clarify.

    3) Do you believe that anyone can interpret the Quran, even those whose knowledge of the Arabic language can fit comfortably at the back of a stamp?

    4) What other laws/legal rulings do you seek to ‘reinterpret’?

    5) Do you accept the authority of the ulama’, local and foreign ones? If so to what extent? If not why and whose authority then do you accept? Who are the ulama’?

    6) What do you guys believe is the position of ‘rationality’ in Islam? Are there limits to rationality? If so where?

    7) I constantly hear you guys singing the tune ‘oh we do not reject the Quran, we just reject the interpretations of classical scholars that are not relevant.’

    What is the arbiter/criterion by which you judge what is relevant or not?

    8 ) What is your methodology in ‘re-interpreting’ the Quran?

    9) What is your methodology for accepting or rejecting the hadiths of the Prophet, if you accept them at all?

    10) Do you accept that as Muslims, we have to worship Allah the way He wants us to, and not the way we want to?

    These are just some of the questions that i believe should be answered, in order for the community to truly assess the ‘progressives’. Be open about your agenda and aspirations, and let the community decide whether they are worth the community’s time and efforts.

    And the answers to these questions are also needed if a genuine dialogue is to be started, and to avoid hollow calls for discussion.

    Authored by Walid J. Abdullah

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  • AWARE, Liberal Islam, The Reading Group Organise Talk During Ramadhan

    http://www.aware.org.sg/
    thereadinggroup
    http://www.thereadinggroup.sg/main.htm

    AWARE is organising a 3-Part Ramadan talk on Gender in Islam, and first session is on 4 July.

    AWARE will be holding a series of presentations and discussions about the works of prominent Islamic scholars and their views on gender in Islam.

    Dr Azhar Ibrahim Alwee, NUS and member of The Reading Group

    Session 1: Malay Ideas on Women by Dr Azhar Ibrahim (Senior Visiting Fellow, NUS)

    Throughout Malay intellectual history, there were several strands of thinking pertaining to gender and women’s role within the socio-cultural, political and religious spheres of the Malays. This presentation will highlight some of these thinking through early proponents of the modern era, such as Syed Sheikh al-Hadi, to later thinkers such as Hamka, Khadijah Sidek and the prominent Muslim feminist group, Sisters in Islam.

    Friday, 4 July 2014
    AWARE Centre
    6.30pm to 9.30pm
    Register for Session 1 here!

    Assoc Prof Noor Aisha Abdul Rahman, NUS & member of The Reading Group

    Session 2: Muslim Personal Law and Citizens’ Rights: The Case of Singapore
    by A/P Noor Aisha Abdul Rahman (Head, Dept of Malay Studies, NUS)

    Prevailing discourse on multiculturalism tend to focus on its merits in protecting the cultures and traditions of minority groups within the framework of the politics of accommodation. Less discussed are its implications on the rights and autonomy of members of the groups themselves who may be adversely affected by the arrangement. This presentation will focus on the problems arising from autonomy granted to the Muslim community of Singapore to determine its personal law, on some segments of the community, particularly in the arena of the Muslim law on marriage, divorce and inheritance.

    Friday, 11 July 2014
    AWARE Centre
    6.30pm to 9.30pm
    Register for Session 2 here!

     

    Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib is a social activist with The Reading Group, Singapore.

    Session 3: Challenging Patriarchy: Early Reformist Responses
    by Mohamed Imran (Associate Research Fellow, NTU)

    Feminism and the struggle against patriarchy is not a new phenomenon in Muslim society. This presentation will trace some of the early ideas on feminism to the Egyptian context of Islamic reform in the late 19th and early 20th century. In particular, the ideas of seminal figures such as Rifa’ah al-Tahtawi, Muhammad ‘Abduh and Qasim Amin will be discussed.

    Friday, 18 July 2014
    AWARE Centre
    6.30pm to 9.30pm
    Register for Session 3 here!

    Individual price: $8 for 1 person/session
    Pair price: $14 for 2 persons/session

    Price includes cost of catered food.
    Prayer space is provided.

    Source: http://www.aware.org.sg/2014/06/ramadan-talks-on-gender-in-islam/

    READ MORE ON THE READING GROUP, MUIS & LIBERAL ISLAM HERE 

     

    EDITOR’S NOTE

    Liberal Islam, Progressive Muslims, and The Reading Group seems to be a popular choice among Muslims who are more ‘open-minded’.

    Growing number of academics in NUS and NTU are also joining the band of liberal Muslims. 

    What do you think of this development and trend? 

    Share your opinion with us at Rilek1Corner.

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  • “Critical Islam” – Ethically Grounded, Socially Committed, Politically Progressive

    When the World Trade Center twin towers came crashing down 12 years ago, it was not just non-Muslims who were shocked – many Muslims were equally horrified. Consequently, it led to deeper introspection. For many Muslims, it was a turning point.

    Just over three decades ago, prominent Arab intellectual Sadik Al Azm wrote a devastating critique of the Arab world’s political stagnation after the Arab defeat at the hands of Israel in the 1967 war. The loss gave impetus to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism worldwide. The solution to Muslims’ social, economic and political humiliation, it was believed, lay in returning to “Islam” as a complete ideology. Islam-ism would rival all other isms, from secularism to capitalism to communism.

    At the heart of Islamism is an orientation that upholds the supremacy of “Islam” versus everything else deemed “unIslamic”. Syed Qutb, in his famous treatise Ma’lim fi al-tariq (Milestones), pretty much sums up the tension between what he deemed an “Islamic society” versus the “jahili (paganistic) society”.

    Over nearly three decades, certain frustrated Muslim youths became attracted to this orientation known as Islamic fundamentalism. It was also a period of struggle for many Islamic movements to establish “daulah islamiyah” or the notion of an “Islamic state”.

    This project failed, and its proponents continue to be frustrated by authoritarian secular regimes and their own intellectual deficiency in defining and operationalising the notion of an “Islamic state”. French sociologist Olivier Roy, in his insightful 1996 book, termed it “the failure of political Islam”.

    Since the 1990s, the world has seen an increase in violent acts committed by Islamist movements which draw upon such frustrations. This culminated in the attack on New York’s twin towers.

    If the 1967 defeat of the Arabs had propelled the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, 9/11 has paved the way for rethinking and critical reflection.

    Could Islam accommodate the separation of religion and state, thus admitting that secularism is not anathema to Muslim political thought? Could Muslims be at home with modern values without positing these as an antithetical to the Islamic notion of what is “traditional” and “authentic”?

    Was the dichotomy between “Islam” and “the West” tenable or even intelligible? These were some of the issues that posed a new challenge to Islamic fundamentalism. Critical Muslim scholars such as Mohammed Arkoun (Algerian), Nasr Abu Zayd (Egyptian), Abdullahi An-Na’im (Sudanese), Nurcholish Madjid (Indonesian) and Abdolkarim Soroush (Iranian) continue to push the boundary of Muslim sociopolitical thought — and ultimately challenge the dominance of fundamentalist conceptions of Islam.

    As the world focuses on the continued threat of extremism within Muslim circles, it is equally important to acknowledge the work done by such critical scholars in the field of Islamic reform. Yet, this field of critical Islamic scholarship is not new: It was there in classical Islam where Muslim thinkers challenged existing ways of thinking and engaged with the corpus of tradition.

    Take the work of Al Ghazali, Al Farabi and Ibn Sina, who were some of the most illustrious Muslim philosophers of the 10th and 11th century CE (Al Ghazali himself was subjected to criticism by the 12th century Andalusian thinker Ibn Rushd). Today, Muslims continue to acknowledge them as some of the faith’s most brilliant and diverse thinkers who set the foundation for the revival of Europe from its own Dark Ages.

    In the face of recent growing conservatism in Muslim societies, this critical strand within Islam must be upheld. Its penchant for embracing new ideas could better equip Muslims to deal with the rapid societal changes that typify today’s knowledge economy.

    Consider, for example, the Arab “awakening” period — the Nahdah movement in the late 19th and early 20th century — which set the course for intellectual and cultural modernisation of the Muslim world, as typified by the attempt to incorporate some of the best ideas and institutions from Europe and to critically re-evaluate a Muslim heritage beset by fossilisation and decay.

    The height of Muslim civilisation in the 9th and 10th century, too, was typified by a spirit of openness and incorporation of sources of knowledge – from neoplatonic mysticism to Aristotelian philosophy to Indic metaphysical sciences.

    In other words, it was the cosmopolitanism of Islam that gave rise to what Lene Goodman described as “Islamic humanism”. And it is this confident form of Islam that can provide an alternative to the apologist and constrictive vision of contemporary Islamic fundamentalist thought.

    Today, much resources have been poured into addressing physical violence perpetrated by a small group of Muslim extremists driven by a warped agenda of planting the supremacist flag of Islam worldwide.
    There is, however, a limitation to looking at the problem through a pure security lens. Violence, as the late sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas expounded, can also exist in the form of “intellectual violence”.

    In fact, physical violence is a manifestation of violence in thought. The former cannot exist without the latter. The project of addressing extremism in Muslim societies, thus, must also start with addressing all forms of intellectual violence.

    One form of such violence is to deny the rich and diverse intellectual heritage of Islam, and to argue that Islam is necessarily in opposition to everything else deemed as “secular”, “liberal” or “Western”. It is this tendency to adopt a monolithic and essentialised form of Islam that poses a danger to the dynamic, creative and critical tradition within Islam.

    To reclaim this tradition is the task of Muslim intellectuals today who are at the forefront of developing new thinking in Islam. Against the backdrop of growing intolerance within Muslim societies, the way forward can only be through an honest, serious and committed rethinking of fundamentalist assumptions.

    In this, “critical Islam” as Muslim thinker Ziauddin Sardar argues, can be a counter narrative for the Muslim public against the dominance of fundamentalist Islam. Where the latter generated an intellectual mess and a stagnation of Muslim sociopolitical thought, critical Islam can salvage the situation by reconstructing a new, cosmopolitan vision of Islam that is ethically grounded, socially committed, politically progressive and intellectually sound for today’s world. – Todayonline.com, September 11, 2013.

    * Dr Nazry Bahrawi is a research fellow at the Middle East Institute-NUS. Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib is a founding member of Leftwrite Center. This commentary is based on a discussion on “Critical Islam as Counter-Fundamentalism in Muslim Southeast Asia” organised by the Middle East Institute-NUS, Leftwrite Center and Select Books on September 11.

    * This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.

    Source: The Malaysian Insider

  • The Reading Group, MUIS and Liberal Islam

    readinggroup2

    Rather than focusing merely on the LGBT issue, Muslims need to realize the bigger issue at hand; the liberal leanings & ideology that is currently reshaping our religion.

    The Liberal Islam movement in this region is not new. It is inevitable that the rise of Muslim radicalism and the subsequent founding of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in Indonesia in 2001 has emboldened those in Singapore with similar liberal leanings & ideology.

    In the past, a few Muslims have publicly or privately aired their concerns about the spread of liberal Islam. And certainly our religious scholars (asatizah) would have done so many times in their various social circles & organizations.

    One example is this open letter written in 2009 which has been available in the public domain for many years alerting key Muslim leaders about a group of well-educated Muslims from thereadinggroup.sg advocating liberal Islam. (*Some names have been hidden to protect their privacy)

    readinggroup1

    Now that we have understood from the 1st open letter why it is important Muslims do not get over-obsessive about the LGBT issue but see the bigger picture of Liberal Islam and we have also realized the existence of a group of well-educated Muslims in “The Reading Group” who are spreading & advocating liberal leanings & ideologies, here is the follow-up letter containing more revelations.

    Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib is a social activist with The Reading Group, Singapore.

    Similarly, the follow-up letter has also been available in the public domain for many years. This time it attempts to demand clarification from key Muslim leaders about an active member of the liberal “The Reading Group“, Mohamed Imran Mohamed Taib, who was an executive in MUIS’ Policy Development Strategic Unit and how MUIS policies have shown liberal leanings with the visitations of liberal scholars and with post-graduate scholarships to universities with known liberal ideologies. (*The sender’s name have been hidden to protect his privacy)

    Source: Islamiq.SG