Category: Politik

  • EU Court Ruled For Hamas To Be Removed From EU’s Terrorist List

    EU Court Ruled For Hamas To Be Removed From EU’s Terrorist List

    BRUSSELS – The Palestinian Islamist group Hamas should be removed from the European Union’s terrorist list, an EU court ruled on Wednesday, saying the decision to include it was based on media reports not considered analysis.

    In its ruling, however, the bloc’s second highest tribunal said member states could keep Hamas’s assets frozen for three months to give time for further review or for an appeal.

    The EU’s foreign policy arm said the bloc continued to view Hamas as a terrorist group. “This was a legal ruling of the court based on procedural grounds. We will look into this and decide on appropriate remedial action,” spokeswoman Maja Kocijanic said.

    The United States urged the European Union not to change its stance.

    “We believe that the E.U. should maintain its terrorism sanctions on Hamas,” U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki told a regular news briefing.

    Israel, which has clashed repeatedly with Europe in recent years over Palestinian statehood ambitions, demanded Hamas remain blacklisted and said the ruling showed “staggering hypocrisy” toward a Jewish state founded after the Holocaust.

    “It seems that too many in Europe, on whose soil six million Jews were slaughtered, have learned nothing. But we in Israel, we’ve learned,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said. He branded Hamas “a murderous terrorist organization”.

    Hamas holds sway in the Gaza Strip and its founding charter calls for the destruction of Israel. It has regularly battled Israel, most recently in a 50-day war this summer.

    Most Western countries say it is a terrorist organization, pointing to years of indiscriminate rocket strikes out of Gaza and waves of suicide attacks, primarily between 1993 and 2005.

    HAMAS BUOYED

    Hamas says it is a legitimate resistance movement and contested the European Union’s decision in 2001 to include it on the terrorist list. It welcomed Wednesday’s verdict.

    “The decision is a correction of a historical mistake the European Union had made,” Deputy Hamas chief Moussa Abu Marzouk said. “Hamas is a resistance movement and it has a natural right according to all international laws and standards to resist the occupation.”

    The EU court did not ponder the merits of whether Hamas should be classified as a terror group, but reviewed the original decision-making process. This, it said, did not include the considered opinion of competent authorities, but rather relied on media and Internet reports.

    It said if an appeal was brought before the EU’s top court, the European Court of Justice, the freeze of Hamas funds should continue until the legal process was complete.

    In a similar ruling, an EU court said in October the 2006 decision to place Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers on the EU list was procedurally flawed. As with Hamas, it also said the group’s assets should remain frozen pending further legal action and the European Union subsequently filed an appeal.

    The European Parliament has approved a non-binding resolution supporting Palestinian statehood. The text was a compromise, representing divisions within the EU over how far to blame Israel for failing to agree peace terms.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • Palestinians Afraid Of Criticising Mahmoud Abbas

    Palestinians Afraid Of Criticising Mahmoud Abbas

    RAMALLAH — Two-thirds of Palestinians say they are afraid to criticise Mr Mahmoud Abbas, according to a poll, and some of the Palestinian president’s recent actions only seem to confirm claims that dissent comes at a price.

    Last month, Mr Abbas outlawed the West Bank’s largest labour union and briefly jailed its two leaders for organising strikes. Security agents routinely monitor social media and send threats or complaints to some of those criticising Abbas. Meanwhile, the Palestinian leader’s Fatah movement continues to purge supporters of an exiled rival.

    Critics say that after a decade in power, Mr Abbas is overseeing a largely authoritarian system with shrinking room for dissent — a claim denied by Mr Abbas supporters who say Palestinians enjoy more political freedoms than most in the Arab world.

    Complaints of heavy-handedness come at a time of paralysis on all fronts. Mr Abbas’ strategy of setting up a Palestinian state through negotiations with Israel has hit a dead end, while the bitter rivalry between Fatah and the Islamic militant group Hamas continues to fester.

    With his approval rate down to 35 per cent, Mr Abbas lashes out against those he views as a political threat, such as former aide Mohammed Dahlan, now based in the United Arab Emirates, and ex-Prime Minister Salam Fayyad.

    In 10 years in office, the 79-year-old has avoided grooming a successor.

    Mr Abbas defenders say Israel and Hamas are largely to blame for the gridlock: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu adopted harder negotiating positions than his predecessors, while Hamas seized Gaza in 2007 and set up a mini-state there.

    The Hamas-Fatah split was largely responsible for eroding political institutions, such as parliament, and blocking presidential and parliamentary elections, now five years overdue, analysts said. This has opened the door for Mr Abbas to consolidate power, they said.

    “We face an autocratic regime that doesn’t believe in any freedoms, in freedom of unions or freedom of speech,” said Mr Jihad Harb, a writer and Fatah member. “The people are now terrified. They don’t speak up, fearing reprisal.”

    Mr Ahmed Assaf, a Fatah spokesman, said criticism is permitted — provided it does not cross a line by accusing Mr Abbas or members of his government of being traitors or infidels.

    “If you look around and see what is going on in the Arab world, you realise how much freedom we enjoy here,” Mr Assaf said.

    Most Palestinians in the West Bank appear to disagree, according to a poll published last week by the independent Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research. Sixty-six per cent said they believe they cannot criticise Mr Abbas without fear, according to the survey among 1,270 respondents, with an error margin of 3 percentage points.

    One recent controversy centred on the largest Palestinian union, which represents about 40,000 employees of the Palestinian Authority.

    Last month, Mr Abbas outlawed the union and had two top officials jailed for a week. The decision followed strikes by the union demanding more benefits.

    Critics said Mr Abbas and Fatah had used the union in the past as a tool against rivals. They said Mr Abbas went after the union last month because it was causing problems for his hand-picked prime minister, Mr Rami Hamdallah.

    Mr Bassam Zakarneh, one of the union leaders who was briefly jailed by Mr Abbas, said the union is being targeted because “they don’t want anyone to stand up to the government”.

    Mr Abbas’ aide Nimer Hamad said the union was never registered and that strikes “caused huge damage to the interests of the people”.

    Meanwhile, others defending the union also got in trouble.

    Senior Fatah official Azzam al-Ahmed, who criticised the decision to ban the union, found himself accused by Mr Hamdallah of nepotism for pushing his sister-in-law for the post of education minister — a rare “outing” of one member of the ruling elite by another.

    The incident played out on a talk show earlier this month on government-run Palestine TV. Asked about his sister-in-law, Mr al-Ahmed denied he used his influence to get her the Cabinet job. Mr Hamdallah called the show, contradicting Mr al-Ahmed’s version on the air.

    The episode confirmed a perception — held by more than 80 per cent of Palestinians, according to last week’s poll — that Palestinian Authority institutions are tainted by corruption, with nepotism cited as a major problem.

    Some speculated the showdown over the union could also be linked to internal power struggles in Fatah ahead of a party convention next month.

    Regardless of intentions, the crackdown on the union is unpopular, with two-thirds of the public opposed, said pollster Khalil Shikaki.

    Mr Abbas’ approval rating has dropped to 35 per cent, from 50 per cent last summer. “There is no doubt that the crackdown on freedoms and liberties, particularly unions, is certainly one of those factors that are pushing in that direction,” said Mr Shikaki, who conducted last week’s poll.

    Mr Abbas also continues to engage in battles with perceived foes, even though they have not declared themselves as challengers.

    Earlier this year, he began purging supporters of former Gaza strongman Dahlan from the ranks of Fatah. He has warned others they would be expelled if they maintain ties with Mr Dahlan, some in Fatah said.

    Beyond curbs on expression in the self-rule areas, Palestinians face multiple restrictions — including those on movement imposed by Israel, which retains overall control in the West Bank.

    In this environment, many use social media as an outlet for their views, but that’s also fraught with risk.

    Mr Ahmed Zaki, the news director of Palestine TV, said he was recently demoted after a Facebook post in which he criticised the choice of a talk show guest on his station — an Egyptian commentator who supported Israeli attacks against Hamas targets in Gaza.

    After that post, Mr Zaki said he received a call from Mr Abbas’ office and was told he would no longer serve in his job, though he remains on the station’s payroll.

    Ms Tami Rafidi, a 35-year-old Fatah activist in Ramallah, said she has been admonished for Facebook posts critical of Mr Abbas and told by party members and security officials to tone down her comments. She said she has not been threatened because of her role in Fatah.

    “But I am aware of others who were pressured or threatened to stop criticism,” she said. “The margin of freedom in the social media is narrow in the Palestinian territories.” AP

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • HDB CPF Scheme A Scam?

    HDB CPF Scheme A Scam?

    Once upon a time, when HDB was first started in the 1960s, flats were really sold at close to cost and followed the model of true subsidized housing. In the 1970s, flats were sold on a cost basis, in other words with no mark up by the HDB. You could buy a 3-room flat for as little as $7,000 and 5-room flats were $30,000 apiece.

    In the 1980s, HDB started to include land cost in the pricing, for what reason no one knows as HDB dwellers do not own the underlying land. Prices then went as high as $140,000 for an executive flat. In the 1990s and 2000s, we saw the start of the sharp rise in prices when HDB added “market” price of land valuation to its construction cost, resulting in above $400,000 for the price of new flats today. We will examine the reason for this later.

    In the first couple of decades of the HDB’s existence, you also had to sell the flats back to HDB at the price that you bought from them, if you decided to change residence. This prevented speculation from profit taking on the flats. At its peak, with a population under 2 million, the HDB was building as many as 30,000-40,000 units a year. These were the golden days when HDB was truly affordable.

    The HDB’s formula was very simple. Acquire land from private owners for a fraction of the cost using the Land Acquisitions Act which restricted what the government was liable to pay in compensation to the land owners (my readings have indicated 25 cents on the dollar), then rezone the land to allow for higher density. Tender out the construction of the blocks with the winning companies using cheap labour (usually Thai or Bangladeshi workers), cheap material, and all financed by cheap money from the CPF. On top of this, architectural costs were minimized (they can add up to 10% of a project’s cost) by using the same cookie cutter designs.

    Cheap Land + Cheap Labour + Cheap Materials + Cheap Architectural Costs + Cheap Financing = An affordable Dwelling … as long as the savings were passed on to the end user.

    Fast forward to the 1980s, and the PAP realized that it had a serious problem on its hands. This was the growing mountain of CPF funds under administration. When CPF originally started in 1955, the contribution rate (total) was as little as 10%. Now look at how high it is. Coupled with the higher average incomes over the decades, this higher contribution rate has given rise to hundreds of billions of dollars that the government collects in CPF contributions every year.

    Over the last 5 years, CPF contributions have averaged $22 billion and the amounts are trending higher. These contributions represent a liability to the government, i.e. they have to pay it back to the contributors when the latter retire. Many have suspected the PAP is not interested whatsoever in releasing these billions of dollars to Singaporeans and that they have already used these funds to fund their GLCs, Temasek Holdings, etc. and in many cases have lost substantial amounts of money.

    Can you sense the con?

    So, the question became, “How do we, the government, minimize our liability in the form of CPF, and at the same time increase our investing assets in the form of the 2 sovereign wealth funds?”

    So, some scholar came up with a brilliant idea. What if we decoupled the HDB’s buy back at cost scheme for flats – resulting in an immediate price increase – and then using this price increase as an excuse, we artificially raise the prices of HDB flats drastically. At the same time, we allow the use of CPF not only for the down-payment, but also for monthly payments on the flats, thereby depleting the flat dweller’s CPF account and dramatically reducing the government’s CPF liability exposure.

    So, how it works is that now, HDB has raised its pricing to way beyond what it costs to build a flat. A flat that costs perhaps $150,000 to build is now “sold” for $450,000. The extra $300,000 is profit that goes to the government. Imagine that you are the buyer of such a flat. You use 20% for the down-payment straight from your CPF OA account. That’s $90,000 out of your CPF account right away. And you take a bank loan for $360,000 at 2.5% amortized over 25 years, that’s $1,613 per month in payment. Let’s say that like most Singaporeans, you take the monthly loan payment out of your CPF. After 10 years, you have paid $193,500 in interest and principal. Remember, this is $193,500 that you won’t have any more in your CPF. It has gone to the government which used an overvalued flat to extract it from you. And don’t forget too that the original $90,000 down-payment is also not available, meaning in the first 10 years, you have used up $283,500 from your retirement savings on a flat that is not yours, a flat that you are only renting for 99 years from HDB!!!

    Worst of all, after the first 10 years, you still owe $242,000 on the original purchase price. In one fell swoop, the government has now successfully transferred 75% of your current and future retirement funds into a 99-year prepaid rental flat that you don’t own, thereby reducing their liability to you and at the same time selling you an expensive trinket. How devious is that?

    But wait, you say, I can always sell my flat when I retire and use the money from the sale to fund my retirement. This is the lie that the PAP tells, and let’s examine it.

    a) Well, if you sell your flat, where are you going to live? If you bought your flat 25 years ago for $150,000 and sold it today for $600,000, where will you reside? You can downsize to a smaller flat, but even that will cost you upwards of $300,000. So, what do you net out after you buy a replacement flat? Remember, you have to live in a flat until you die, as nursing homes according to certain Ministers are too expensive unless you relocate to Johor. And forget about renting too. It’s very expensive and will rapidly deplete the capital gains you have made from the above transaction. Don’t forget too that CPF has fixed it such that you can only use your CPF for the monthly payments on a HDB 99-year prepaid rental flat, but does not allow you to use it on monthly short term rent (12 months or so). If you retire and sell your flat, and decide to rent, you must pay for the rent after tax and from non-CPF sources of funds. Which means you can’t do so or you have to go back to work. It’s then a waiting game until you get to the age when you can withdraw all your CPF. So, if you do downsize to a smaller flat, the amount that you net out will not be much, and probably not enough to fund retirement for you and your spouse.

    b) Consider too what happens when your flat gets older. Some banks are not giving loans for flats that are older than 25 years. HDB themselves severely restrict loans for flats that are 34 years and older. This means that when you want to “monetize” or sell your flat for the purpose of funding your retirement, you will find that many potential buyers cannot get a satisfactory bank loan, or even a bank loan at all, to buy it from you. This will result in your flat being less desirable to buyers and hence it will command a lower price than what you had thought possible. In addition, you are dependent on the prevailing housing market conditions. Housing moves in cycles. If you are selling during a downturn, you will get less for it. If you want to wait till the market comes back up, then you have to postpone your retirement. You have therefore been placed in a position where you have to speculate on real estate and where there is no certainty at all what amount your retirement fund will be. This is the opposite of a prudent pension or retirement fund. A prudent retirement fund is one where you know exactly how much money is inside so you can budget and plan for your retirement. This is not possible if you have to rely on the value of your HDB flat at a certain point in time in the distant future.

    c) Selling your HDB flat to fund your retirement is possible if you bought it 30 years ago. Today’s new flats can cost $400,000 plus and a resale flat easily exceeds $600,000. Exactly how much does it have to appreciate as it gets older for you to make a sizeable capital gain from its sale into retirement? You pretty much have to sell it for over a $1 million to fund retirement. What are the odds that a 30-year old flat will sell for $1 million when the time comes?

    Cornered and nowhere to run

    How successful has this manoeuvre been? Consider that CPF withdrawals are roughly 50% of CPF contributions. This is over $10 billion a year on average being withdrawn. The vast majority of that goes towards funding HDB-related purposes. A retirement fund should only be drawn on when you retire. What the government has made you do is something that no prudent financial planner would advise. They have made you pay for your current expenses such as housing-related expenses with your retirement fund. In addition, the PAP has closed all possible loopholes, hence channeling people like lemmings into this “legal con game”.

    For example, by offering a rate of only 2.5% on your CPF (in earlier years it was as low as 1%), your CPF is being eroded at an alarming rate. This is because the inflation rate is much higher than 2.5%, and is in fact double digits in some years. If the inflation rate was 6% per annum, you have lost 3.5% on real purchasing power. Put another way, if you have $100,000 today in your CPF, 20 years from now, your $100,000 would be able to purchase only $70,000 worth of goods and services. So what choice do you have? If you leave your money in the CPF account, you are guaranteed a loss due to the effects of inflation being higher than what CPF pays you in interest.

    So, the PAP wants you to put it into an HDB flat so that at least you have some chance of a capital gain down the road. If CPF paid 10% interest on OA, who would want to withdraw it to buy a flat? Yet, Temasek claims to be earning 17% returns on these same CPF funds that they use to invest. Surely, it’s not unreasonable to give to the original funders 10% return? Singapore bond yields are typically 2.5% over bank deposit rates, and some GLCs like Keppel Corp have long bonds yielding over 5%. Why can’t CPF pay at least these rates?

    And now the government is making it harder and harder for people to access their CPF. They are moving the age limit higher and floating trial balloons about annuities, all in the name of preventing Singaporeans from accessing what’s left of their CPF that has not been pilfered to the HDB.

    Yet another clever device centres on the fact that HDB has no intention of honouring its 99-year lease agreement. In the first place, the flats are not built to last 99 years. So, before the 99 years are up, HDB fully intends to relocate you to another estate into a new flat at a much higher market rate than the one you previously owned. Who knows, you might have been mortgage-free vis-a-vis the old flat but now you have to start with a new mortgage again. In addition, terms in the lease contract enables HDB to transfer ownership cost such as property taxes, upgrading costs, conservancy fees to you, the tenant, thereby further depleting your CPF account.

    Conclusion

    The end result is that in all likelihood in excess of $100 billion has been channeled out of CPF into the government coffers through the sale of a rental agreement for 99 years. Singaporeans literally have nothing to show for it. If this doesn’t make it one of the biggest swindles of all time, then I don’t know what does. This is not some greedy Wall Street wolf doing the fleecing here, but a government using legislature, boldfaced lies and obfuscation to con a gullible populace into buying into a pipe dream.

    BD

    Submitted by TRE reader.

     

    Source: www.tremeritus.com

  • More Flexible CPF Minimum Sum System In The Future?

    More Flexible CPF Minimum Sum System In The Future?

    Factoring in one’s income level, gender and marital status in setting the Minimum Sum for different individuals could be one way to inject flexibility into the Central Provident Fund (CPF) system for different members. In addition, contribution rates and ceilings should also be tweaked to ensure retirement adequacy, said experts, in response to the Government’s consideration to move away from the one-size-fits-all format.

    If members are free to choose how much they want to save based on what they think they need in their later years, it may result in the state having to give out more in public assistance for vulnerable groups or make the CPF system even more complex, they added.

    “Giving them too much choice isn’t necessarily good because we can’t ever predict the future for ourselves,” said Institute of Policy Studies research fellow Christopher Gee, who specialises in policy implications on retirement adequacy, housing and healthcare.

    In an interview last week, Manpower Minister Tan Chuan-Jin hinted that the advisory panel set up by the Government to review the CPF is mulling the introduction of varying levels of Minimum Sum and payouts because “actually, people do have different needs and people are looking at different requirements”.

    The panel is expected to submit its preliminary recommendations to the Government in February.

    Yesterday, experts interviewed welcomed the idea of moving away from a common Minimum Sum for all CPF members.

    The Minimum Sum is the amount each member has to meet at age 55 to be able to make withdrawals. It is set at S$155,000 now, but will be increased to S$161,000 next July.

    Pointing out that the Minimum Sum could be set at a “more realistic” level for lower-income groups, Nanyang Technological University economist Walter Theseira said: “It is extremely difficult for them to have any chance of meeting the Minimum Sum. But we have to accept that if we want to give them more flexibility to withdraw their money earlier, we probably have to help them more in retirement.”

    Assistant Professor Theseira suggested that one’s gender and marital status could come into play, noting that other countries have retirement adequacy systems that are conceived on a family basis, unlike Singapore’s CPF system, which is more individualistic.

    “Under the United States’ Social Security system, the state gives additional benefits to married households. You can claim half of your spouse’s benefits (from the state) or all of your own, depending on which is higher,” he said. “It is extra income just for being married. Our system is not like that.”

    Associate Professor Hui Weng Tat from the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy noted that a higher Minimum Sum for the middle-class group would provide a more comfortable retirement. But the “relatively low” contribution ceiling of S$5,000 now would have to go up in tandem, he noted.

    On the minister’s point that the advisory panel is also studying having payouts that increase progressively to mitigate the effects of inflation, Assoc Prof Hui said the change would require the returns on special government bonds (which CPF monies are invested in) to be inflation-indexed or inflation-protected.

    Such a practice is already common in overseas bond markets, Assoc Prof Hui pointed out.

    Asst Prof Theseira also noted that rising payouts means purchasing power is preserved over time and not that one can consume more goods as one ages. “(It means) I can buy the same basket of food today as I can 10 years from now,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Mr Gee suggested that contribution rates and ceilings should also be tweaked to boost retirement adequacy.

    As employer contribution rates decrease with age, “there’s less incentive for employees to continue working and this goes against the idea of encouraging people to work longer”, he said.

    Allowing withdrawals only when an individual retires — instead of from age 55 as is the case now — could be an option. “The reality is that people are living longer. The average Singaporean could retire at 55 years old and live for another 30 years,” Mr Gee said.

     

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • Chee Soon Juan In Wall Street Journal: A New Vision For Singapore

    Chee Soon Juan In Wall Street Journal: A New Vision For Singapore

    Singapore has made great economic strides over the 50 years since independence. With a GDP per capita of $55,000, the island state is, by this measure at least, the most prosperous country in the world. Yet rather than being proud of their country’s achievement, measures of social harmony and happiness indicate that Singaporeans are far from pleased with the status quo.

    Looking behind the numbers, it seems that Singapore’s economic success has wrought havoc on less measurable, but no less important, aspects of life: Freedom, compassion and equality. It is the degradation of these values that has contributed significantly to Singaporeans’ disenchantment with the current system.

    Even before the Reagan-Thatcher era of neoliberal economics, Singapore adopted a market-driven approach in which even value systems and social life were commodified. When the government wanted fewer births in the 1970s, it paid women to undergo tubal ligation. When it changed its mind and wanted more births, it gave tax incentives to couples to have more babies. When it wanted the children to demonstrate strong character, it rewarded their desirable traits with cash.

    Monetizing things that we shouldn’t—especially under circumstances where societal values are involved—leads to harmful outcomes. It causes citizens to abrogate moral responsibility and devolve decision-making to market norms set by the elite few.

    We need to fundamentally rethink how we pursue wealth and, more importantly, to what end. We need to ask that all-important question that Harvard philosopher Michael Sandel so trenchantly posed: What price do we pay when we cede our values to market mechanisms?

    Unfortunately, without democracy Singaporeans cannot have a national debate on the future direction of our country. Talk about political freedom and the rights of the people is eclipsed by government threats that democracy undermines GDP growth.

    And yet Singapore is in danger of being left behind. A survey of countries around the world reveals a distinct shift towards more democratic forms of governance. Many such political transitions have yielded greater, not less, prosperity. Adaptation to change is necessary for societies to keep themselves relevant in the global community. Singapore is no exception.

    The island republic needs an alternative vision, one that will confidently usher Singapore into the next phase of development: Privately owned small and medium-sized enterprises, instead of state-owned conglomerates, need to be the prime drivers of growth; the wage structure should ensure that the working poor don’t see their real incomes shrink even as the number of billionaires rise; the elderly should not have to work menial jobs just to feed themselves; the media must be free from state control; and, most importantly, the political system needs to change to allow truly free and fair elections, where the political freedoms of Singaporeans are respected.

    Singapore is at a crossroads. How the country moves forward will depend on the choices that the people and their leaders make today. The incentives that those in power build into the system will determine whether the country progresses or stagnates. To that end, the ability of Singaporeans to question authority and to build a capacity for collective reasoning and debate is essential.

    It is shameful that we live in a state where market values guided by an authoritarian system trump moral ones guided by a democratic process. The danger is that we become blinded by the things we want and ignore the things we really need. Ultimately a nation’s success is not measured by the size of its GDP but by the number of minds it unfetters, the number of young lives it gives hope to and the number of poor it empowers. It is this kind of wealth, the kind that really matters, that Singapore must accumulate.

    Now more than ever, we need a genuine conversation about Singapore’s future. Indeed, we need a bold new vision for the country.
    * Written by Chee Soon Juan, Secretary-General of the Singapore Democratic Party.

     

    Source: http://online.wsj.com