Blog

  • Why One Cannot Be Gay And Muslim

    Why One Cannot Be Gay And Muslim

    “Can one be gay and Muslim?” is one of those loaded questions that I am certainly not fond of. I believe that it is a meaningless question except in the vulgar context of efforts to alter traditional attitudes towards homosexuality and recast it as acceptable both morally and legally.

    The very posing of such a question imposes on the one being asked the assumption that, at the very least, homosexuality or the notion of “gayness” is morally and legally neutral. Otherwise, asking the question would itself be objectionable.

    The fact that most who publicly pose this question (like journalists and activists) are fully aware that Islamic teachings censure and reprimand people to varying extents for homosexual inclinations and activities gives it an insidious, manipulative character.

    Indeed, given the tacit moral approval of homosexuality implicit in “Can one be gay and Muslim?”, it is in fact the very moral integrity of the religion and its adherents that is being questioned. I therefore maintain that those who pose this question to Muslims out of other than genuine ignorance do so as actors who are part of a wider context and agenda.

    And that wider context that surrounds the discourse of which this question is part is dominated by the imposing presence of powerful special interest groups and organizations (including those in the third world directly and indirectly funded by agencies of the U.N and the governments of select industrialized nations). Those groups, through sustained public awareness campaigns; popular entertainment; legal and political activism; and the like, have brought the matter of homosexuality and traditional attitudes towards it conspicuously into the center stage of public discourses virtually everywhere in the globalized world.

    This heavily influenced and charged discourse simply cannot be ignored when addressing this question.

    Now that discourse is characterized by themes and indeed its related activism is propelled to a great extent by incidents of illegal violence, discrimination, and other forms of morally reprehensible conduct directed at real or perceived homosexuals.

    I believe it is of the utmost importance for Muslims to make it clear that illegal abuse; violence; and discrimination against innocent parties are all repugnant and unacceptable and should not be condoned.

    Yet we must also point out that deliberately conflating those matters with the matter of the legality and morality of homosexuality itself in order to foster societal acceptance of it is likewise repugnant and objectionable.

    While violence, discrimination and so forth merit their own consideration, using them (along with “Science”) as rhetorical and emotional tools to effect pro-homosexual social engineering is shameful and manipulative conduct where the suffering of individuals is used for the furtherance of socio-political goals. I view any group or movement that is guilty of such as being morally challenged.

    To be specific, it is to the LGBT movement that I thereby refer. That movement is made up of establishments that market themselves as human rights or anti-discrimination advocacy groups. In reality they exist in order to further their widely acknowledged goal of “Gayism” that entails the “full acceptance of LGBT people in society” which is just a clever, personable way of saying that they want to change society such that homosexuality is no longer regarded as evil but is accepted as neutral or good. Their daily work concerns pursuing the political, legal, and moral steps necessary to effect that goal.

    With that in mind, I maintain that the question, “Can one be gay and Muslim?” is part of an effort to perpetuate a, what I would regard as unhealthy, discussion about the legal and moral status of homosexuality in society. That discussion, which seeks to legitimize homosexuality and has its roots in post French Revolution anti-religion sentiment, is being brought now to the shores of Islam and Muslim minds.

    Obviously the question is not intended at face value. It is not asking the obvious: is it physically possible for a person who self identifies as gay to also self identify as Muslim. Rather, what is really being asked is this: can homosexuality become legally and morally acceptable to Muslims given Islamic teachings regarding it?

    The answer to that question is simply no.

    The only way homosexuality can become legally and morally acceptable to Muslims is if they depart, in a grossly unprincipled manner, from both the letter and spirit of the teachings of the prophet Muhammad and indeed all other prophets (peace be upon them all) regarding it.

    Those teachings are clear and definitive. The fact that homosexuality in general and sodomy in particular are deemed vile, morally abhorrent, and legally criminal in the corpus of Islamic teachings is evident and is among the things necessarily known of the religion. As a matter of scholarship, to deny that fact betrays a thorough disregard for demonstrable historical and anthropological truth that could only be the result of a lack of scholarly integrity or competence.

    As a matter of faith, Muslim theology and law are unambiguous: denial, in principle, of anything that is necessarily known of the religion is disbelief (kufr) – it being effectively the same as denying or opposing a direct instruction of the Prophet of God (peace be upon him). Failing to abide by something necessarily known in action (without denying it in principle) is deprivation and corruption of the highest order though not outright disbelief.

    Thus to attempt to legitimize homosexuality morally and legally among Muslim believers despite the foregoing is profoundly unprincipled and disingenuous to say the very least. And yes, it could entail apostasy depending on the particulars. For there is no definition of integrity or uprightness, let alone faith, that permits one to simply deny in principle undeniable realities of one’s professed belief system while insisting on being nevertheless ascribed to that system.

    It being the case that matters of faith, integrity, and morality are at stake here, talking about whether, for example, scientific research establishes that homosexuality is genetic or chosen, or even about the types of criminal abuse faced by those perceived as being homosexual represents something of a distraction.

    I say that because the fact is that LGBT groups are insidiously advocating the right to choose to engage in homosexual, bisexual, or transgender activity and forms of expression on a whim and with “pride” regardless of factors related the scientific data, or whether abuse or discrimination are present or not.

    If I am mistaken on that point I would love to be corrected but that is what the conduct and results of the activity of groups attached to the LGBT movement suggest to me.

    The libertine position advocated  by such groups is not based fundamentally on the espoused high ideals of justice and equality, rather it is based simply on those activists’ belief, contrary to every revealed scripture, that homosexuality and Gayism with their various attending moral deprivations are perfectly acceptable. It is only after that premise is accepted that justice and equality take on their relevance.

    Now it is that type of advocacy, grounded, as was mentioned, in post French Revolution rejection of faith, that should be brought to the forefront of the discussion by Muslims. And it is that kind of wicked ungodly activism that should be untangled from the emotional web of legitimate grievances such as illegal violence and abuse. It should then be exposed and opposed, not through violence; boorishness; and raw uninformed emotion, but by all lawful, intelligent and upright means.

    That is the Sunna and that is what those without a moral compass need to see from the Muslims in this and indeed all other matters.

     

    Source: http://muslimvillage.com

  • My Journey Inside IS

    My Journey Inside IS

    VICE News produced a world exclusive when filmmaker Medyan Dairieh spent three weeks embedded alone with the Islamic State in June 2014, gaining unprecedented access into the heart of the self-proclaimed caliphate. Here he describes what he learned.

    The two armed men were surprised to see me. No journalists had come this way before. After days of waiting and one failed attempt, I had finally managed to reach the first checkpoint guarding territory controlled by the group known as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

    By the time I left, about a fortnight later, its ruler, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, had claimed for himself a title which brought with it a new religious and political authority — caliph. The so-called caliphate was declared a year ago, on June 29, while I was there. And from then ISIS became known as the Islamic State (IS).

    While I had been waiting for the signal to cross the border, ISIS had seized Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city. Until then, the group was widely perceived to have been on the back foot, having withdrawn in the face of advances from other rebel groups in Syria.

    But its surge into Iraq and the declaration of the “caliphate” re-established the group as a threat, not only to Iraq and Syria but also to the wider Middle East. But who are they? Where did they come from and what do they believe? I wanted to find out.

    Back at the border, the two guards at the checkpoint summoned another, who seemed to have been expecting me. He spoke into his radio: “The guest has arrived, the guest has arrived.”

    Dairieh and a young European fighter who works in the IS media center in Raqqa, Syria. Photo via Medyan Dairieh.

    Abu Jindal al-Iraqi
    It had been nearly 10 years since I first met Abu Jindal al-Iraqi during the Second Battle of Fallujah — six weeks of bloody urban combat at the end of 2004 that pitted Iraqi insurgents, including al Qaeda, against US Marines and their Iraqi and British allies.

    Al-Iraqi was a commander in a makeshift artillery brigade that was fighting against the Americans, but not yet affiliated with al Qaeda. He was a former colonel in Saddam Hussein’s Republican Guard, which was disbanded in 2003 in the wake of the US-led invasion of Iraq. He was then clean-shaven and not particularly religious.

    Overnight, thousands of men like al-Iraqi lost their income and their status. Many of them took their military training — and in many cases their weapons — and joined the resistance.

    When I met him again, inside the border in June 2014, he was wearing a full beard and was in every aspect of his appearance a committed Islamist. In the decade since we met, his militia first had merged into the Islamic State in Iraq, al Qaeda’s local franchise, which then went on to found ISIS. He is now a senior IS commander.

    Al-Iraqi’s story is a common one. Internal IS documents obtained by Der Spiegel show not only that the core leadership of the group is made up of former Baathist officers, but that the organization is also run along the lines developed by Iraqi military intelligence.

    A former al Qaeda fighter, who became a member of ISIS, shows off his al Qaeda inscribed gun in Aleppo. Photo by Medyan Dairieh.

    The Birth of IS
    IS’s force is composed of three primary groups: Islamic State in Iraq (based around former Iraqi military men), elements of al Qaeda from the Afghanistan school, and forces from Chechnya and the Caucuses, led by Abu Omar al-Shishani.

    On an earlier visit to Syria, in 2013, I met with Al-Shishani. He was extremely busy and distracted, trying to negotiate between ISIS and the Nusra Front. At that time, tensions were coming to a head.

    Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, then the leader of the Islamic State of Iraq, sent one of his most trusted lieutenants, Abu Mohammed al-Jolani to Syria in 2011 as mass protests against the Assad regime spread. His task was to form the Nusra Front, the Syrian affiliate of al Qaeda.

    Al-Jolani and al-Baghdadi later fell out over the direction of the Nusra Front. Al-Baghdadi wanted Nusra to be an extension of the Islamic State in Iraq, and to fall under his command. Al-Jolani wanted to focus on fighting the regime, work with less radical groups, and win hearts and minds. The two men apparently held talks in Aleppo.

    Aleppo in 2012. This was one of the first times that this ISIS badge (on the right) and this flag (associated with the group) were seen in Syria. Photo by Medyan Dairieh.

    Al-Jolani won the support of al Qaeda’s leadership, thought to be based in the borderlands between Afghanistan and Pakistan. I heard that IS tried to send a Libyan member to talk to al Qaeda’s leadership in Afghanistan. The man had difficulties in getting there, however, making me realize that IS’s contacts with al Qaeda leadership were very weak.

    When the split occurred, foreign fighters — including al-Shishani’s Chechens and an experienced group of Libyans fighting as the al-Battar battalion — overwhelmingly pledged their allegiance to IS. Later, when I went to Libya, I met members of the al-Battar battalion who had returned to fight there.

    I believe the muhajireen, as the foreign fighters are known, did not really come to Syria to resist Assad. They came because they saw themselves as soldiers of Islam, and believed it was their religious destiny to build the caliphate.

    Nusra worked with the other rebel groups, participating in joint charity organizations and fighting alongside them. ISIS worked only through its own organizations.

    On 22 February 2014, ISIS assassinated Sheikh Abu Khaled al-Suri, a leader of Ahrar al-Sham, a Salafist militia allied to Nusra. The Nusra Front then declared war on ISIS.

    In the wider Middle East, however, it is IS that has attracted the most new support, including militants from Egypt, Yemen, Libya, not to mention many other parts of the world.

    In Raqqa
    I arrived in Raqqa, the IS capital, shortly after crossing the border. There was a military parade on, which I learned had been timed to coincide with my arrival.

    Before the war, the town was liberal, with a large Christian population. People would go out in the evening to drink and smoke. There’s no music on the street now and even the pictures are covered — it has completely changed.

    There are people from more than 80 nationalities living in Raqqa. Children under 15 go to religious instruction classes. After the age of 16, they go to the military camps for training. After 16 they can join the fighters.

    During my time in Raqqa, I was accompanied at all times by a media team.Although IS has been praised for the quality of their video productions, there are actually very few skilled media workers among them. There were a few who’d worked for TV channels, however, and some foreigners with their own expertise. From what I saw, their equipment was mostly basic and the internet very slow, but they worked long hours, sleeping between three and five hours a night, and keeping a seven-day schedule.

    I learned that support from abroad, especially from Libya, was greatly important in publishing material online. One of the media team also told me that a young woman in the UK had also been helping them with this for a few months.

    They also use more basic means of propaganda, such as publishing texts online, distributing CDs with films, and driving trucks around blaring out speeches by al-Baghdadi and Abu Mohammed al-Adnani, an official IS spokesman.

    IS was initially hostile to international media coverage, but as its members started to notice the world’s huge interest in them, they decided to establish a number of media departments, including most prominently Al-Furqan. They also set up a media office in every province of their “state,” with each department linked to the local preacher’s office.

    Watch the VICE News documentary, The Islamic State here:

    At around 2am on July 4, I awoke to the sound of gunfire and explosions. Those with me from the media department strapped on their explosive belts, grabbed their rifles and rushed out without uttering a word. Everything was dark, as if there was a blackout.

    A few hours later, I learned that US special forces had assaulted a IS camp outside Raqqa. They had apparently hoped to rescue a number of Western hostages who were later killed by IS. The hostages weren’t there, and the troops withdrew empty handed after killing eight IS members — including, I was told, trainee leaders from Tunisia and Saudi Arabia.

    IS also believed that Jordanian troops also took part in the assault and showed me a bloodied scrap of a military uniform bearing Jordanian insignia.

    IS Military Doctrine
    IS has proved adept at fighting and unconventional war, combining tactics from the Taliban, handed down through al-Zarqawi, with the expertise of former Iraqi military officers.

    It has tried to expand the battlefront to exhaust air support, using short-range rockets and missiles, for which officers from the former Iraqi army helped set up inexpensive, hand-made mobile launchers.

    In an attack, the remnants of al Qaeda and suicide groups will be the first troops to mobilize, to strike the advancing forces with suicide operations. The leaders of the former Iraqi Republican Guard will direct other groups to guard their positions and ensure rocket and missile bombing operations are carried out.

    IS has also adopted a three-pronged Taliban military doctrine, Firstly, it strikes the enemy to confuse them, wear them out, and weaken them. Secondly, it obtains supplies such as weapons, money, and food supplies. Thirdly, it claims a media victory to grow the organization’s popularity.

    The success of this approach was evident last summer. In the blink of an eye IS built a state the size of Jordan. It seized large quantities of weapons, including heavy weaponry and all kinds of other sophisticated equipment, and a significant amount of money. IS was able to claim that they broke the 100-year-old Sykes-Picot Agreement, a colonial-era agreement which defined the frontier between Syria and Iraq, by opening up the borders. This gesture sent a message to zealous Islamist youth that IS is leading a global jihad.

    The group does face challenges. They have difficulty obtaining spare parts and supplies to maintain their heavy weapons, and problems manufacturing enough of the car bombs whose en masse deployments have been the prelude to many devastating assaults, including the capture of Ramadi in May. They are forced to fight on multiple fronts: against the Iraqi army, against the Kurds, and against Syrian rebels — as well sometimes against the Syrian regime.

    German and Finnish IS fighters. Photo by Medyan Dairieh.

    But IS realizes it is now engaged now in a crucial battle and not simply sharpening its talons. For this reason, it will try to prolong the battle, and open numerous fronts and lines of fighting in regions that are far from one another. It will do this in order to disperse enemy forces, to be able to attack them far from their reinforcements, and to be able to attack their supply convoys, which are generally on the defensive.

    IS believe it is their destiny to face their most powerful enemy, America, on the field of battle. An IS military commander, an officer from Hussein’s former Republican Guard, told me that IS preparing for an attack, not for defense.

    “We will defend our project,” he said, “and this will only be achieved when America feels the necessity to confront us on the ground — this is what we want and what America fears.”

    Departure
    The time eventually came for me to leave IS territory.

    They took me to a place near the border. Every night we would go to the border, and look out over a dark, empty space. We would wait for the right time to cross, to avoid the army’s patrols.

    We sat, waiting for the all clear. Although they had strong systems to monitor the situation at night, the crossing was nonetheless difficult and dangerous.

    One night, at 2.30am as I was sleeping, they woke me up at told me it was time to cross. I left my big rucksack with them as it was bulky and I couldn’t carry it with me.

    They walked with me and when I asked why they told me that I was their guest and that they would look after my safety, in spite of the danger to themselves, until I reached a safe place on the other side.

     

    Source: https://news.vice.com

  • Take Studied Approach To LGBT Endorsement

    Take Studied Approach To LGBT Endorsement

    I refer to the commentary, “Why we need more light, less heat on sexuality issues” (June 30). I agree that on contentious issues such as this, we need more resources from all possible disciplines of knowledge to achieve mutual understanding.

    For that to happen, however, we must identify the heart of the dispute and why arguments of religion versus rights have dominated the debate.

    When the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) community cries for equality and against discrimination, especially with the Pink Dot slogan Freedom to Love, their ultimate interest is the inclusion of homosexual relationships in the institution of marriage.

    Only then would the LGBT community be equal before the law and thus be protected from discrimination. But this would be deemed a threat to the religious community, wherein marriage is defined strictly as between a man and woman.

    The United States Supreme Court legalised same-sex marriage based on the argument that it is a constitutional right. This has implications for religious communities across the US because granting such marital rights redefines marriage itself for Americans.

    So, the foremost task of various knowledge disciplines would be to provide perspective and research on the LGBT issue, contributing towards answering the question in dispute between the religious and LGBT communities: What makes a marriage?

    Is it an emotional bond in which fidelity is a choice and commitment, or can it happen only between a man and a woman? Does same-sex marriage benefit a democratic society?

    Our Government is wise to uphold public opinion. The majority are conservative, and the research on same-sex marriage and its societal effect has just begun, as the Netherlands was the first country to endorse it, in 2001.

    The debate on its benefits and harm to children and society are ongoing. More time is needed before one can make a correct judgement. Thus, to uphold our current policies is to safeguard our society’s common good.

    The West’s experiment in same-sex marriage is irreversible. As a young nation, it is best that we take a cautious approach, to allow knowledge of different disciplines to inform us of the consequences of endorsing this movement, and we can decide from there.

     

    This article, written by Jervin Lim Teng Lai, was published on Voices, Today on 2 Jul 2015.

    Source: www.todayonline.com

  • Singapore Chinese Muslim Stunned By Halal Dietary Question In Job Application

    Singapore Chinese Muslim Stunned By Halal Dietary Question In Job Application

    “You don’t eat pork, right?”

    Singapore Chinese Muslim Heidi Heng was shocked when she was asked the question when she tried to find out more about an opening for an administration position.

    At first, she said, she was mistaken for being a non-Chinese because she was seen wearing a headscarf. Then, she was told that her Halal diet would be an inconvenience to other employees especially when it comes to company events.

    Heng was responding to job application queries sent via Whatsapp messages on her phone when she was confronted by questions that involved her race, religion and dietary option. She was corresponding with someone who appeared to be the human resource staff of an unnamed company.

    A screen grab of the conversation was posted on Facebook on Tuesday, and has since garnered more than 1,000 shares and nearly 100 comments.

    Facebook screen grab of racist conversation. 

    The conversation had taken place over Whatsapp when Heng was asking for the appropriate email address to send her resume to. Heng seemed disappointed at how the conversation had panned out, even labeling the comments that the staff member made as “racist”.

    “Work is work, food is food. I can eat Halal food, (you) can eat (your) non-Halal food. Just (wanted) a simple admin job, end up get a racist comment… Admin job got event every month meh (sic)?” she said.

    Most of the commenters on Facebook have shown support for Heng while criticising the company.

    “I don’t see why one’s dietary preference will hinder the productivity of the admin job… what if the candidate is a Chinese vegetarian?” said a Bob M Fauzi.

    One commenter even offered Heng a job and is awaiting her reply.

    Yahoo Singapore has contacted the Ministry of Manpower for a comment.

     

    Source: https://sg.news.yahoo.com

  • Maid Sentenced To Two Weeks Jail For Fracturing Baby’s Elbow

    Maid Sentenced To Two Weeks Jail For Fracturing Baby’s Elbow

    A maid was sentenced to two weeks’ jail after she caused a fracture on the right elbow of her employer’s seven-month-old daughter in February by yanking on the baby’s arm.

    Valencia Gemalyn Garma, 24, a Filipina, had been employed to do general house cleaning and look after her employer’s two children.

    The court heard that on Feb 21, at about 1.30am, Garma, who had been working for the family for seven months, had settled down to sleep with the baby when the child began crying.

    She said she had not managed to fall asleep and was agitated and tired after having had to care for her employer’s older child, who is two years old. She picked up the baby in an attempt to pacify her, carrying her on her right arm.

    Later, she transferred the baby to her chest by forcefully pulling at the baby’s right arm. When the baby continued crying for 10 minutes, Garma suspected that she had hurt the baby, but she did not inform her employer out of fear.

    The employer was awakened by the baby’s cries and took over, telling Garma to go to sleep.

    But when her daughter continued to cry for half an hour before falling asleep, and woke up crying again at 3am, she became concerned that the baby might be in pain. Examinations by doctors at Thomson Medical Centre and KK Women’s and Children’s Hospital revealed that the child had suffered a fracture to her right elbow.

    When questioned by her employer, Garma initially denied any involvement but later admitted to hurting the child.

    Deputy Public Prosecutor Fong Jin Heng submitted that Garma’s failure to inform her employer of the possible injury significantly delayed the baby’s mother from seeking necessary medical attention.

    District Judge Toh Yung Cheong took into account the fact that Garma had not had prior experience in caring for children and her tired state at the time of the negligent act, and ordered a sentence of two weeks’ jail.

    For causing grievous hurt by a negligent act, Garma could have been jailed up to six months and fined up to $2,500.

     

    Source: www.straitstimes.com

deneme bonusu